area handbook series 

Indian Ocean 

five island countries 




Indian Ocean 

island countries 



Federal Research Division 
Library of Congress 
Edited by 
Helen Chapin Metz 
Research Completed 
August 1994 




On the cover: Traditional dhow seen among Indian 
Ocean islands 



Third Edition, First Printing, 1995. 



Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 

Indian Ocean : five island countries / Federal Research Divi- 
sion, Library of Congress ; edited by Helen Chapin 
Metz. — 3rd ed. 

p. cm. — (Area handbook series, ISSN 1057-5294) 
(DA Pam ; 550-154) 

"Supersedes the 1982 edition of Indian Ocean : five 
island countries, edited by Frederica M. Bunge." — T.p. 
verso. 

"Research completed August 1994." 
Includes bibliographical references (pp. 343-72) and 
index. 

ISBN 0-8444-0857-3 (he : alk. paper) 
1. Islands of the Indian Ocean — Handbooks, manuals, 
etc. I. Metz, Helen Chapin, 1928- . II. Library of Con- 
gress. Federal Research Division. III. Series. IV. Series: 
DA Pam; 550-154 
DS349.8.I5 1995 95-16570 
909'.09824-dc20 CIP 



Headquarters, Department of the Army 
DA Pam 550-154 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office 
Washington, D.C. 20402 



Foreword 



This volume is one in a continuing series of books prepared 
by the Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress 
under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program spon- 
sored by the Department of the Army. The last two pages of this 
book list the other published studies. 

Most books in the series deal with a particular foreign coun- 
try, describing and analyzing its political, economic, social, and 
national security systems and institutions, and examining the 
interrelationships of those systems and the ways they are 
shaped by cultural factors. Each study is written by a multidisci- 
plinary team of social scientists. The authors seek to provide a 
basic understanding of the observed society, striving for a 
dynamic rather than a static portrayal. Particular attention is 
devoted to the people who make up the society, their origins, 
dominant beliefs and values, their common interests and the 
issues on which they are divided, the nature and extent of their 
involvement with national institutions, and their attitudes 
toward each other and toward their social system and political 
order. 

The books represent the analysis of the authors and should 
not be construed as an expression of an official United States 
government position, policy, or decision. The authors have 
sought to adhere to accepted standards of scholarly objectivity. 
Corrections, additions, and suggestions for changes from read- 
ers will be welcomed for use in future editions. 

Louis R. Mortimer 
Chief 

Federal Research Division 
Library of Congress 
Washington, DC 20540-5220 



iii 



Acknowledgments 



The authors wish to acknowledge the contributions of the 
writers of the 1982 edition of Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries, 
edited by Frederica M. Bunge. Their work provided general 
background for the present volume. 

The authors are grateful to individuals in various govern- 
ment agencies and private institutions who gave of their time, 
research materials, and expertise in the production of this 
book. These individuals include Ralph K. Benesch, who over- 
sees the Country Studies/Area Handbook program for the 
Department of the Army. The authors also wish to thank mem- 
bers of the Federal Research Division staff who contributed 
directly to the preparation of the manuscript. These people 
include Sandra W. Meditz, who reviewed all drafts and served 
as liaison with the sponsoring agency; Marilyn Majeska, who 
managed editing and book production; Andrea Merrill, who 
reviewed tables and figures; Barbara Edgerton and Izella Wat- 
son, who performed word processing; and Janie L. Gilchrist, 
David R Cabitto, and Stephen C. Cranton, who prepared the 
camera-ready copy. 

Also involved in preparing the text were Mimi Cantwell, 
who edited chapters; Beverly Wolpert, who performed the pre- 
publication editorial review; and Joan C. Cook, who compiled 
the index. 

Graphics were prepared by David P. Cabitto, and Tim L. 
Merrill prepared map drafts, apart from the topography and 
drainage map prepared by Harriett R. Blood. David R Cabitto 
and the firm of Greenhorne and O'Mara prepared the final 
maps. Special thanks are owed to Marty Ittner, who prepared 
the illustrations on the title page of all but one of the chapters, 
and David P. Cabitto, who did the cover art and art for one of 
the title pages. 

Finally, the authors acknowledge the generosity of individu- 
als, who allowed their photographs to be used in this study. 



v 



Contents 



Page 

Foreword iii 

Acknowledgments v 

Preface xiii 

Introduction xvii 

Chapter 1. Madagascar 1 

Peter J. Schraeder 

COUNTRY PROFILE 3 

HISTORICAL SETTING 9 

Precolonial Era, Prior to 1894 9 

Colonial Era, 1 894-1960 12 

Independence, the First Republic, and the 

Military Transition, 1960-75 16 

The Second Republic, 1975-92 19 

The Third Republic, 1993- 22 

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT 23 

Topography 23 

Climate 28 

Flora and Fauna 29 

SOCIETY 30 

Population And Ethnicity 30 

Language 39 

Traditional Beliefs and Religion 41 

Social Structure and Family 46 

Education 50 

Public Health 53 

THE ECONOMY 55 

Government Policy and Intervention 55 

Structural Adjustment 58 

National Accounts and Budget 60 

Balance of Payments and Debt 61 

Traditional Agriculture 62 

Agricultural Production . . . 65 

vii 



Industrial Development 68 

Foreign Trade 71 

Transportation and Telecommunications 72 

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS 74 

Constitution and Institutions of Governance 74 

The Fokonolona and Traditional Governance 77 

Foreign Relations 79 

Chapter 2. Mauritius 89 

Anthony Toth 

COUNTRY PROFILE 91 

HISTORICAL SETTING 98 

Early Settlement 98 

Rise of the Sugar Economy 100 

British Colonial Rule 1 02 

Toward Independence 103 

Independent Mauritius 105 

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT 1 08 

Geography 108 

Climate Ill 

SOCIETY AND CULTURE 112 

Population and Demography 112 

Ethnicity, Religion, and Language 113 

Education 115 

Media 117 

Health and Welfare 118 

Role of Women 118 

ECONOMY 120 

Agriculture and Fishing 121 

Industry and Commerce 123 

Banking 124 

Trade and Balance of Payments 125 

Tourism 125 

Labor 126 

Transportation and Telecommunications 126 

Water and Electricity 127 

Budget and Public Finance 127 

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS 1 29 

Structure of Government 129 

Politics of the Republic of Mauritius 131 

Foreign Relations 132 



viii 



Chapter 3. Comoros 137 

Vincent Ercolano 

COUNTRY PROFILE 139 

HISTORICAL SETTING 1 46 

Early Visitors and Settlers 146 

French Colonization 148 

The Break with France 150 

The Soilih Regime 152 

The Abdallah Regime 154 

The Issue of Manor e 164 

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT 168 

SOCIETY AND CULTURE 171 

Population 171 

Society 172 

Status of Women 1 76 

Religion and Education 177 

Public Health 179 

Media 180 

ECONOMY 181 

Agriculture, Livestock, and Fishing 185 

Industry and Infrastructure 187 

Transportation and Telecommunications 188 

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS 190 

Political Dynamics 192 

Foreign Affairs 195 

Chapter 4. Seychelles 199 

JeanR. Tartter 

COUNTRY PROFILE 201 

HISTORICAL SETTING 207 

Crown Colony Status, 1903 209 

Steps Toward Independence, 1967-76 210 

Coup by Rene Supporters, 1977 212 

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT 213 

POPULATION 216 

Ethnic Groups 217 

Languages 217 

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 218 

Class and Social Structure 218 

Status of Women 219 

RELIGION 220 

ix 



EDUCATION 221 

HEALTH AND WELFARE 223 

THE ECONOMY 224 

Government Role 225 

Budget 228 

Economic Development 229 

Labor 229 

Agriculture 231 

Fisheries 232 

Oil , . 233 

Manufacturing 234 

Tourism 234 

Transportation and Telecommunications 235 

Foreign Trade 236 

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS 237 

Governmental System, 1979-93 238 

Return to a Multiparty System 238 

Opposition Movements and Interest Groups 240 

Information Media 243 

Legal System and Civil Rights 243 

FOREIGN RELATIONS 245 

Chapter 5. Maldives 249 

Karl E. Ryavec 

COUNTRY PROFILE 251 

HISTORICAL SETTING 257 

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT 262 

Physiography . 262 

Climate 263 

SOCIETY 264 

Population 264 

Ethnic Groups and Language 265 

Social Structure 266 

RELIGION 267 

EDUCATION 269 

HEALTH 271 

Health Conditions 271 

Health Care 271 

ECONOMY 272 

Gross Domestic Product 272 

Fishing 273 



x 



Tourism 274 

Currency and Banking 274 

Budget 276 

Employment 276 

Transportation and Telecommunications 277 

Trade 278 

Economic Aid 279 

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS 279 

Constitution 279 

Politics 280 

Foreign Relations 282 

Media 282 

Chapter 6. Strategic Considerations 285 

Thomas P. Ofcansky 

HISTORICAL INTEREST 287 

MADAGASCAR 294 

Security Concerns 294 

Armed Forces in National Life 296 

The Military and the Government 298 

Forces Armees Populaires 299 

State Security Services 300 

Training and Morale 301 

Foreign Military Assistance 302 

Penal System 306 

Human Rights 307 

MAURITIUS 308 

Security Concerns 308 

Armed Forces in National Life 309 

Police Agencies 310 

Foreign Military Assistance 312 

Penal System 312 

Human Rights 313 

SEYCHELLES 313 

Security Concerns 313 

Armed Forces in National Life 315 

Seychelles People's Defence Forces 316 

State Security Services 318 

Training and Morale 319 

Foreign Military Assistance 319 

Penal System 321 

xi 



Human Rights 321 

COMOROS 322 

Security Concerns 322 

The Military and the Government 325 

Armed Forces 325 

State Security Services 326 

Foreign Military Assistance 326 

Penal System 327 

Human Rights 327 

MALDIVES 328 

Security Concerns 328 

Armed Forces in National Life 329 

Penal System 330 

Human Rights 330 

Appendix. Tables 333 

Bibliography 343 

Glossary 373 

Index 379 

Contributors 409 

List of Figures 

1 Indian Ocean Countries: Geographic Setting, 1994 ... xvi 

2 Madagascar: Administrative Divisions, 1994 8 

3 Madagascar: Topography and Drainage 26 

4 Madagascar: Transportation System, 1994 74 

5 Mauritius: Administrative Divisions, 1994 96 

6 Comoros: Administrative Divisions, 1994 144 

7 Seychelles: Main Islands and Island Groups, 1994 206 

8 Maldives: Administrative Divisions, 1994 256 

9 Comoros, Madagascar, Maldives, Mauritius, and 

Seychelles: Strategic Airports and Ports, 1994 292 



xii 



Preface 



Few works offering a close look at the contemporary island 
societies of the Indian Ocean have been published in the 
English language. Even fewer works that place those societies 
in the context of their historical and geographic settings are to 
be found. This study, Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries, seeks to 
contribute in a modest way to fulfillment of the void, offering a 
compact and objective exposition of the dominant social, polit- 
ical, and economic institutions of the island countries and a 
view of their current problems and tensions. Analysis and inter- 
pretation by the authors must be judged, however, in the light 
of the scant nature of available research data in many subject 
areas. 

With considerable justification, the reader may question the 
exclusion of Sri Lanka (the island nation formerly known as 
Ceylon, an important political force in the Indian Ocean) from 
other than the more general discussions in this study. That 
country's close proximity to, and long historical associations 
with, the Indian subcontinent and its early tutelage in self-rule 
under the British, beginning nearly two decades before inde- 
pendence, however, distinguish it quite clearly from the island 
countries in the southwestern Indian Ocean. Moreover, it has 
been treated already in a separate volume in the series. By the 
same token, the reader may question the inclusion of Maldives, 
insofar as, like Sri Lanka, it, too, lies close to the subcontinent 
in the northern Indian Ocean. Unlike Sri Lanka, however, 
Maldives appears nowhere else in the Country Study series, and 
in the view of the authors it warranted treatment here, espe- 
cially as it shares some concerns of the island countries in the 
southwestern ocean. Reunion, although also a Mascarene 
Island like Mauritius, chose to become an integral part of met- 
ropolitan France, and thus is not included in this volume. 

Measurements are given in the metric system; a conversion 
table is provided in the Appendix. The spelling of place-names 
generally follows that established by the United States Board 
on Geographic Names (BGN) in its latest available gazetteers 
for the area. Currency conversion factors appear in the Glos- 
sary, which is included for the reader's convenience. Country 
Profile data, ordinarily appearing in the front matter of books 



xiii 



in this series, in this study are to be found with the relevant 
chapters. 

The body of the text reflects information available as of July 
1994. Certain other portions of the text, however, have been 
updated. The Introduction discusses significant events and 
trends that have occurred since the completion of research; 
the Country Profiles include updated information as available; 
and the Bibliography lists recently published sources thought 
to be particularly helpful to the reader 



xiv 



k Red * 
Sea 



.H OMAN 

\ 



.ERITREA 

'< ^ 



r 



o 



7 

DJIBOUTI 




Gulf of Aden 
>OMA 



\ 



ETHIOPIA 



/ 



f 







KENYA j / 


Equator 






'MAHE 
ISLAND 



AMIRANTE 
ISLES ■ 



\ 

Victoria^ 



ISLES * ■ ' COETIVY / 

SEYCHELLES 



ISLAND, 



I ALDABRA 
1 ISLANDS 

^ ■ 

COMOROS v - ' 

& Moroni 

\ MAYOTTE 

(admin, by France, / <^w 
claimed by Comoros) "C* 



FARQUHAR / 
■ ISLAND^ 



^'agalega 

[ ISLANDS 



MOZAMBIQUE ^ 



—20 





MADAGASCAR 



45 



CAftGADOS 
C>AR/4JOS 
SHOALS 



' MAURITIUS 

J m RODRIGL 
. ®Port 
Reunion €> / *-OU/S n0 £ 
(Fr.) MASCARENE ISU" 



Boundary representation 
not necessarily authoritative 



Figure 1. Indian Ocean Countries: Geographic Setting, 1994 



xvi 



n 



INDIA 



International boundary 

Administrative line 

Undefined boundary 

Approximate maritime 

boundary 
National capital 



250 



500 Kilometers 



500 Miles 



Male 



MALDIVES 

\ % I 

\ .. / 

-77 



0- 



\ 



JAN, 



British 
Indian Ocean 
Territory 
(U.K.) 



CHAGOS 
ARCHIPELAGO 



DIEGO 
GARCIA 



Indian 



Ocean 



65 



Introduction 



A VAST REGION, the Indian Ocean encompasses an area of 
about 73.4 million square kilometers, or roughly 14 percent of 
the earth's surface. The region has been defined variously, 
depending on whether the Antarctic Sea is included. Com- 
monly, the Indian Ocean is thought to stretch from East Africa 
(or specifically from the southern tip of Africa at Cape Agulhas 
where it meets the Atlantic) to Tasmania (where it meets the 
Pacific), and from Asia to Antarctica. 

Historically, the region has played a prominent commercial 
role in East-West trade since early times. For the colonial pow- 
ers, particularly Britain and France, in the seventeenth, eigh- 
teenth, and nineteenth centuries until the construction of the 
Suez Canal in 1869, the islands of the Indian Ocean provided 
trading posts and refueling locations en route to their colonies 
in the East. More recently, the Indian Ocean was a focal point 
of East-West tension because it served as a route through which 
much oil from the Persian Gulf states passed in shipment to 
markets elsewhere. 

By the mid-1990s, as a result of the breakup of the Soviet 
Union and the growing participation in international affairs of 
a number of Indian Ocean littoral states, such as India and 
South Africa, the balance of power and external influences in 
the region had altered markedly. In addition, the island 
nations that constitute the subject of this volume — Madagascar, 
Mauritius, Comoros, Seychelles, and Maldives — have experi- 
enced a growth in democratic institutions and economic devel- 
opment that has changed their relationships to outside powers. 
For example, the island states have tended to follow a non- 
aligned policy in their foreign relations and, reflecting their 
lack of defense capabilities, have sought to promote the Indian 
Ocean as a zone of peace, in which they include littoral states. 

Despite their unique aspects, these island nations have cer- 
tain features in common. For example, all have been colonies 
or protectorates of either Britain or France. All have gained 
their independence since 1965 (1960 in the case of Madagas- 
car) and have been inclined (with the possible exception of 
Comoros) to institute rule based on the dominance of execu- 
tive leadership, specifically based on the personality of one 
man. This has been true even though in several instances such 



xvii 



rule may be under the guise of socialism. Those islands that 
adopted socialism are now moving toward greater privatization 
and a free-market system. 

Traditionally, agriculture has been the economic basis of all 
these nations despite the limited land area available for this 
pursuit. As of the early 1990s, however, the nations were seek- 
ing to diversify their economies, stressing fisheries develop- 
ment, tourism, the establishment of export processing zones 
(EPZs) where raw materials are processed and textiles manu- 
factured, and industrial development, or the creation of inter- 
national commercial centers. Of these island states, only 
Madagascar has significant mineral and energy resources, 
although offshore exploration is taking place near several of 
the islands. 

These island countries consist of multiethnic societies, often 
with several religious faiths, but some are more homogeneous 
than others. Notwithstanding this ethnic diversity, in a number 
of the countries human rights have tended to be limited, par- 
ticularly with respect to the rights of women, workers, and 
opposition elements. As democratic institutions are strength- 
ened and public opinion makes itself felt, most of the states are 
making progress in this regard. 

Madagascar 

By far the largest of these island nations is Madagascar, 
which, with nearly 600,000 square kilometers, is somewhat 
smaller than Texas. Considered by the World Bank (see Glos- 
sary) as one of the world's poorest countries, Madagascar had a 
population estimated at 13.5 million in mid-1994. Nearly 80 
percent of the country's population, which consists of some 
twenty ethnic groups, is engaged in the broad agricultural 
field, including fishing. After following a socialist path in the 
1970s, Madagascar in the 1980s, with the advice of the World 
Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF — see Glos- 
sary) , began liberalizing its economy by such measures as estab- 
lishing an EPZ like that adopted by Mauritius. Madagascar 
traditionally had had some citizen participation in government 
through the fokonolona (village council) system; however, the 
country had been ruled almost singlehandedly by the presi- 
dent, Didier Ratsiraka, since 1975. As a result, pressures for 
greater political participation overtook economic reforms. 

A 1992 referendum voted in a new constitution and resulted 
in multiparty elections in 1993. Opposition leader Albert Zafy 



xviii 



was elected president; his party, the Comite des Forces Vives 
(Vital Forces Committee, known as Forces Vives), gained one- 
third of the National Assembly seats, with the remainder scat- 
tered among twenty-five parties. In August 1994, Prime Minis- 
ter Francisque Ravony announced a new cabinet of twenty-four 
ministers, most of whom were reshuffled from the earlier gov- 
ernment but who also reflected a somewhat broader represen- 
tation of interests. 

Madagascar's budget for 1995, presented to the National 
Assembly in December 1994, was an austerity budget designed 
to encourage the country's external funding sources. The gov- 
ernment aimed to reach a 3.5 percent economic growth rate — 
the 1994 rate was only 1.29 percent compared with 2.1 percent 
in 1993 — and to cut inflation from 32 percent in 1994 (the rate 
had been 13 percent in 1993) to 15 percent in 1995. In late 
1994, the African Development Bank considered the steep 
increase in inflation as a potential source of social unrest. 

Concurrently, the regime sought to decrease the budget 
deficit to 6.5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP — see 
Glossary) in 1995 from 6.76 percent in 1994. Measures to be 
taken entailed minimizing customs and tax exemptions, 
increasing tax collections, and eliminating price controls on 
certain products. In consequence, the government authorized 
a 15 percent increase in expenditures for the various minis- 
tries, apart from the fields of health and education, which were 
allowed a 20 percent increase. Despite these proposed solu- 
tions, the economy faced a troubled future because 1993 had 
seen a 13 percent decrease in investments as well as a decrease 
in production. In addition, the floating of the currency had 
resulted in a 50 percent devaluation of the Malagasy franc (for 
value of the Malagasy franc — see Glossary) . 

In January 1995, Ravony dismissed both the governor of the 
Central Bank of the Malagasy Republic and the minister of 
finance — the former because of his reckless policy concerning 
promissory notes and the latter as a result of his inability to 
control inflation. (The World Bank and the IMF had made the 
dismissal of the Central Bank governor a condition for their 
continued economic assistance.) Among the elements of the 
Malagasy economy in need of assistance are the country's infra- 
structure, particularly the railroad system, which suffered the 
impact of two major cyclones in 1994. Because of the shortage 
of investment capital to promote economic development in the 
EPZ, the International Finance Corporation (see World Bank 



xix 



entry in Glossary) in mid-1994 established the Madagascar 
Capital Development Fund of approximately US$1.1 million. 
The government also aims to increase tourism and develop its 
resources of coal and petroleum as well as shellfish. These 
moves, if implemented, should ease the problem of unemploy- 
ment and underemployment, especially among young peo- 
ple — 60 percent of the population is under age twenty-five. 

To achieve economic progress, Madagascar has had to rely 
on foreign aid, particularly that from its former colonial power, 
France. Madagascar's major trading partner, France has not 
only provided bilateral aid and loans for specific projects but 
also canceled most of Madagascar's debt. Since South Africa's 
abandonment of apartheid, its relations with Madagascar have 
also grown apace, featuring a visit by then South African Presi- 
dent Frederik Willem de Klerk in 1990 and the establishment 
of air and shipping ties as well as diplomatic relations in 1993. 
Both India and Australia have also sought to strengthen com- 
mercial relations with Madagascar. 

Possibly in part because of its desire to promote foreign 
investment in the country, since 1993 Madagascar appears to 
have paid greater attention to human rights. The United States 
Department of State has indicated that once the 1993 election 
had occurred, the situation improved because of lack of vio- 
lence between the Forces Vives (pro-Zafy) and the pro-Ratsir- 
aka groups. Moreover, the government increased civilian 
control over the military forces and made use of combined 
commands of military, gendarmerie, and national police in 
implementing national security. Greater political stability con- 
tinues to be essential in order to promote foreign investment. 

Mauritius 

Mauritius, together with Rodrigues, constitutes part of the 
volcanic chain of the Mascarene Islands; collectively, the islands 
are less than half the size of Rhode Island. The country has a 
varied ethnic composition. The constitution recognizes four 
groups: Hindus representing about 52 percent of the popula- 
tion, a general category including Creoles and Europeans at 
about 29 percent, Muslims constituting about 16 percent, and 
Sino-Mauritians at about 3 percent. English is the island's offi- 
cial language, and both the government and the education sys- 
tem are patterned on the British model. 

The economy in 1993 had a healthy growth rate of 5.5 per- 
cent, accompanied by an inflation rate of 10.5 percent. Agricul- 



xx 



ture represents the main economic activity; sugarcane, tea, 
fresh vegetables, and cut flowers are the main products. To 
diversify its economy, Mauritius established EPZs in 1971; 
export production centers on textiles and wearing apparel. 
The government also seeks to encourage tourism and to 
develop the private sector generally. Its economic development 
is such that the World Bank considers it close to becoming an 
upper-middle-income developing country. If it is to reach such 
a status, the economy needs to become more technologically 
oriented and capital-intensive as opposed to labor-intensive. 

Such economic development is facilitated by the country's 
political system. Mauritius has a multiparty system, which it has 
maintained since independence, and the government repre- 
sents a coalition of several parties. Mauritius became a republic 
in 1992, and the president, appointed by the prime minister 
and approved by the elected National Assembly, has a titular 
function. In a by-election for the legislature in late January 
1995, two opposition candidates won. This result has been 
viewed as a warning to Prime Minister Anerood Jugnauth of 
popular discontent with his government's policies; the govern- 
ment coalition only mustered 20 percent of the votes. 

A member of the Commonwealth of Nations, Mauritius has 
good relations with the West, particularly France and Britain. 
Nonetheless, some tension exists with France over its claim to 
Tromelin Island, and with Britain and the United States over 
Britain's having allowed the United States to establish a military 
base on Diego Garcia, claimed by Mauritius. Mauritius also has 
good ties with a number of African, Arab, and Far Eastern 
nations. 

Mauritius has been a leading exponent of the Indian Ocean 
zone of peace policy and in this and other instances has sought 
cooperation with other Indian Ocean island countries. For 
example, meetings of the Seychelles-Mauritius Joint Coopera- 
tion Commission occurred in late January and early February 
1995 on Mahe Island, Seychelles. The discussions have led to 
greater bilateral cooperation in the fields of education, indus- 
try, and agriculture. In late March, Mauritius brought together 
delegations from six other members of the newly formed 
Indian Ocean Rim Association — Australia, India, Kenya, 
Oman, Singapore, and South Africa — to promote trade, indus- 
try, and economic cooperation. The conference dealt with 
such measures as standardizing customs procedures and pro- 
moting investment. 



xxi 



The growth of foreign investment is often considered to 
depend, among other factors, on a country's human rights 
record. With regard to Mauritius, the Department of State has 
indicated that civilians control the paramilitary special mobile 
police force used for internal security purposes. Trials are con- 
sidered to be generally fair. However, the government controls 
all communications media, which it uses for political purposes; 
private individuals may not operate broadcasting stations. 
Workers' rights are limited. The government has taken some 
steps to improve the rights of women, but they continue to face 
"legal and societal discrimination." 

Comoros 

Approximately the same size as Mauritius, Comoros belongs 
to an archipelago of four main islands of volcanic origin. Of 
these islands, Mahore has continued its relationship with 
France and is not considered part of Comoros. Ethnically, the 
islands have a mixed population consisting of Arabs, African 
and Malayo-Indonesian peoples, and Creoles, who are descen- 
dants of French settlers. About 86 percent are Sunni Muslims, 
and Islam is the state religion. Arabic and French are official 
languages. Schools follow the French education system, but lit- 
eracy is only about 50 percent. 

The country is among the world's poorest, deriving its 
income primarily from agriculture. Comoros is the world's larg- 
est producer of ylang-ylang, used in perfume, and the world's 
second largest producer of vanilla; cloves are another major 
crop. Although markets for these products are somewhat unsta- 
ble, in January 1995 Comoros announced major contracts for 
the purchase of cloves with the United Arab Emirates and 
probably with India, and a vanilla purchase contract with the 
United States. Because of the limited growing area, the islands 
must import most of their food. Efforts are underway to 
develop tourism and some forms of industry. 

Economic development is linked with recent political steps 
that Comoros has taken. Comoros approved a new constitution 
in a referendum in June 1992, under which the president is 
elected by universal suffrage for a five-year term. The president 
in turn selects the ministers, the prime minister coming from 
the majority party in the Federal Assembly. The assembly is the 
elected body of the bicameral legislature; the Electoral College 
appoints the Senate. In October 1994, after much infighting 
among members of the ruling party, President Said Mohamed 



xxii 



Djohar named a new government, dismissing the previous 
prime minister, who had advocated the privatization of the 
national airlines, Air Comores. The airlines issue involved two 
of the president's sons-in-law. The previous prime minister was 
also unpopular for implementing a number of economic 
reforms demanded by the World Bank and the IMF. 

In late September 1994, the IMF expressed its "disappoint- 
ment" with the economic progress of Comoros, following the 
visit of an IMF mission to the island in late August and early 
September. In the first half of 1994, exports decreased 5 per- 
cent in volume compared with 1993; this decrease occurred in 
spite of the 33 percent devaluation of the Comoran franc (for 
value of the Comoran franc — see Glossary) in January 1994. 
Revenues were "disappointing" because of reduced trade and 
failure to recover customs duties due. Most IMF economic indi- 
cators had not been met, and arrears on external debt had 
been reduced only by one-third the targeted amount. As a 
result, the IMF recommended a freeze on 40 percent of budget 
amounts for the offices of the president, the prime minister, 
and the Federal Assembly as well as a freeze on hiring new gov- 
ernment employees until personnel cuts had been made. 

For its economic development, Comoros depended heavily 
on external sources, particularly France. Comoros had good 
relations with France and good regional relations with conser- 
vative Arab states and members of the Indian Ocean Commis- 
sion. Therefore, it surprised many that in November 1994, 
while attending the Franco-African summit in Biarritz, Djohar 
announced the establishment of diplomatic relations with 
Israel. However, upon his return to Moroni the president 
amended his statement to indicate that diplomatic relations 
would be regularized only after a peace agreement had been 
signed among Israel, Syria, and Lebanon and the issue of Jerus- 
alem had been resolved. 

A source of friction in its relations with other countries is 
the government's human rights record. This record did not 
improve in 1994, according to the Department of State, and 
featured restrictions on the right of assembly and freedom of 
the press. Several persons were killed on Moheli by security 
forces in June 1994 in an antigovernment demonstration. Fur- 
thermore, a number of persons involved in an abortive coup in 
September 1992 continued to be held incommunicado without 
charge or trial in early 1995. The regime closed the only non- 
government radio station in 1994 and on one occasion refused 



xxiii 



an opposition party the right to hold a rally. Although women 
have the vote, there are no women in the legislature or the cab- 
inet. Unions have the right to bargain, but more than 75 per- 
cent of the labor force is unemployed, so collective bargaining 
does not, in fact, occur. 

Seychelles 

Less than one-quarter the size of Comoros, Seychelles con- 
sists of an archipelago of 115 islands, most coralline and the 
rest granitic. The relatively homogeneous population of mixed 
European and African descent uses three official languages: 
Creole, English, and French, with a claimed literacy of 85 per- 
cent. 

Seychelles has a comparatively high per capita GDP of 
US$5,900 and in the early 1990s was moving away from social- 
ism toward a more liberal economy with greater privatization. 
Tourism is the major economic activity because the small area 
of cultivable land limits agriculture, and the small market limits 
industry. Fishing has considerable potential for diversifying the 
Seychellois economy. The government is encouraging the fish- 
eries sector, and in August 1994 the Western Indian Ocean 
Tuna Organization held its meeting on Mahe, with representa- 
tives of Comoros, Mauritius, and Seychelles present as well as 
an observer from Madagascar. Among topics of discussion was 
the standardization of terms for granting fishing permits 
because French, Spanish, and Japanese ships conduct extensive 
fishing in the area. Seychelles alone had fifty-two licensing 
agreements in effect in early 1995, of which thirty-three were 
with European Union countries. Furthermore, the African 
Development Bank in December 1994 was engaged in restruc- 
turing the Seychelles state-owned tuna processing firm, Con- 
serveries de l'Ocean Indien, in order to make it eligible for 
privatization. In addition to tuna fishing, for which Victoria is 
one of the world's largest ports, Seychelles seeks to develop its 
shrimp industry and began commercial shrimp operations in 
1993. 

Furthermore, boasting of its good quality telecommunica- 
tions system, its privatization of Victoria port in 1994, and new 
regulations to encourage the private sector, specifically the 
legal environment for investment, Seychelles is promoting 
itself as an international business center. A partial basis for 
such promotion lies in the country's good relations with Brit- 
ain, France, and such littoral states as South Africa, India, and 



xxiv 



Australia. Measures contemplated to further the private sector 
include the establishment of an EPZ and tax measures to 
reduce employer social security contributions for employees. 

It is difficult to reconcile some of these proposed steps with 
the World Bank's 1993 report entitled Poverty in Paradise (Mark 
Twain had also referred to Seychelles as "paradise"). According 
to the report, "In 1993, almost 20 percent of the population 
were estimated to be living below the poverty line" of 900 Sey- 
chelles rupees (for value of the Seychelles rupee — see Glos- 
sary), or about US$195 per household per month. The World 
Bank criticized Seychelles's relatively low expenditure on edu- 
cation, especially secondary education, and the resultant lack 
of qualified workers in the education, health, finance, and con- 
struction fields. In spite of this criticism, the 1995 budget 
announced by the Ministry of Finance in late 1994 proposed a 
further 21 percent cut in the education budget, thereby exacer- 
bating the situation with regard to qualified workers. 

The relationship of the economy to the country's political 
system has been very close because Seychelles has followed a 
socialist form of government. Having gained its independence 
from Britain in 1976, Seychelles became a one-party socialist 
state under President France Albert Rene in 1977. After adopt- 
ing a new constitution by referendum in 1992, Seychelles held 
its first multiparty elections in 1993. Rene was reelected, and 
his Seychelles People's Progressive Front (SPPF) won twenty- 
seven of the thirty-three seats in the People's Assembly (some 
election irregularities are considered to have taken place). As a 
result of political patronage, control of jobs, government con- 
tracts, and resources, the Department of State indicated that 
the SPPF dominated the country. Moreover, the president com- 
pletely controlled the security apparatus, including the 
national guard, the army, the police, and an armed paramili- 
tary unit. 

In 1994 progress was made with regard to human rights 
under this controlled structure. However, the government has 
a "near monopoly on the media," and freedom of speech and 
press are limited by the ease with which law suits can be 
brought against journalists. In addition, because the leadership 
of both the SPPF and most opposition parties is white, despite 
the Creole popular majority, there is a perception that non- 
whites lack a significant voice. 



xxv 



Maldives 



Maldives, smaller in area than Seychelles, includes some 
1,200 coralline islands grouped in a double chain of nineteen 
atolls. The majority of these islands, which range from one to 
two square kilometers in area, are uninhabited. The people 
represent a homogeneous mixture of Sinhalese, Dravidian, 
Arab, Australasian, and African groups who speak a Dhivehi 
language. Sunni Muslims in faith, most Maldivians attend 
Quranic schools. Islam is the official religion, all citizens must 
be Muslims, and the practice of a faith other than Islam is for- 
bidden. The country claims 98 percent literacy. 

Ranked by the United Nations as one of the world's least 
developed countries, Maldives has a GDP based 17 percent on 
tourism; 15 percent on fishing, which is undergoing further 
development; and 10 percent on agriculture. Maldives' 1994 
annual per capita income of US$620 is twice that of India. 
Maldives has some 17,000 foreign workers, many from India 
and Sri Lanka, most of whom are employed in resort hotels so 
that Maldivian Muslims need not serve alcoholic beverages. 

Possibly in keeping with its more traditional culture, the 
country has a highly centralized presidential government, 
based on its 1968 constitution. Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, who 
has ruled since 1978, was reelected president for a five-year 
term in 1993. Members of the unicameral Majlis, or legislature, 
also serve five-year terms; forty are elected, and eight are 
appointed by the president. The president, who exercises con- 
trol over most aspects of the country, also holds the posts of 
minister of defense and minister of finance. Political parties 
are officially discouraged as contrary to homogeneity. Maldives 
follows a nonalignment policy with regard to foreign affairs but 
as a member of the Commonwealth of Nations has particularly 
close relations with Britain. 

The somewhat authoritarian nature of the government is 
reflected in the country's record on human rights. The Depart- 
ment of State has indicated that in 1994 Maldives restricted 
freedom of speech, press, and religion. Instances also occurred 
of arbitrary arrest and incommunicado detention of individu- 
als as well as banishment to distant atolls. Although civil law 
exists, Islamic sharia law also applies and has limited the rights 
of women; for example, in accordance with Muslim practice, 
the testimony of one man is equivalent to that of two women. 
Nonetheless, in 1994 two women served in the Majlis and one 
in the cabinet. The rights of workers are also limited in that 



xxvi 



they may not form unions or strike. Freedom of the press was 
advanced somewhat in 1994 with the government's establish- 
ment of a Press Council designed to protect journalists. 

# # * 

The degree to which Madagascar, Mauritius, Comoros, Sey- 
chelles, and Maldives will separately and collectively promote 
democratic institutions, human rights, and economic develop- 
ment and diversification in the late 1990s remains to be seen. 
These island nations, with the exception of Maldives (which is 
located considerably to the northeast of the others), are 
already members of a common body, the Indian Ocean Com- 
mission, which seeks to promote commercial and social aspects 
of their relationship. The commission, or perhaps the larger 
Indian Ocean Rim Association, may broaden its concerns to 
include such areas as overall economic policy and defense mat- 
ters. The amount of cooperation that may develop among 
these island states will depend to a great extent on the relative 
sense of stability and security of each of the nations involved. 

May 31, 1995 Helen Chapin Metz 



xxvii 



Chapter 1 . Madagascar 




National emblem of Madagascar 



Country Profile 



Country 

Formal Name: Republic of Madagascar. 

Short Name: Madagascar. 

Term for Citizens: Malagasy. 

Capital: Antananarivo. 

Date of Independence: June 26, 1960. 

Geography 

Size: 587,040 square kilometers. 

Topography: East coast has lowlands leading to steep bluffs and 
central highlands; Tsaratanana Massif in north with volcanic 
mountains; west coast with many protected harbors and broad 
plains; and southwest with plateau and desert region. 

Climate: Two seasons: hot, rainy from November to April; 
cooler, dry season from May to October; southeastern trade 
winds dominate; occasional cyclones. 

Society 

Population: July 1994 estimate 13,427,758. Annual growth rate 
3.19 percent in 1994. Density 2.4 per square kilometer in 1994. 

Ethnic Groups: Some twenty ethnic groups of which principal 
ones are central highlanders (Merina and related Betsileo) and 
cotiers of mixed Arab, African, Malayo-Indonesian ancestry. 
Other groups are Comorans, French, Indo-Pakistanis, and 
Chinese. 



3 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Languages: Malagasy belonging to Malayo-Polynesian language 
family; French also used extensively. 

Religion: Estimated 55 percent hold indigenous beliefs; 40 
percent Christian, evenly divided between Roman Catholics 
and Protestants; 5 percent Muslim. 

Education and Literacy: Education compulsory for children 
ages six to fourteen; higher education available through 
University of Madagascar with six campuses. Literacy estimated 
at 80 percent in 1991. 

Health: Economic decline has caused deterioration of medical 
services; 35 percent of population lacked adequate access to 
health services in early 1990s; infant mortality 114 per 1,000 in 
1991. Major diseases malaria, schistosomiasis, tuberculosis, and 
leprosy as well as sexually transmitted diseases. Traditional 
medicine popular, especially in rural areas. 

Economy 

Gross Domestic Product (GDP): Estimated at US$10.4 billion 
in 1993. Economic growth rate 1 percent in 1992. 

Gross National Product (GNP) per Capita: US$210 in 1991; 
rated tenth poorest country in world by World Bank. 

Agriculture: Constituted 33 percent of GDP in 1993, provided 
almost 80 percent of exports, and in 1992 employed almost 80 
percent of labor force; 16 percent of cultivated land is irrigated. 
Major crops: coffee, vanilla, sugarcane, cloves, cocoa, rice, 
cassava, bananas, peanuts; widespread cattle raising; also 
extensive fishing. 

Industry, Mining, and Energy: Responsible for 13 percent of 
GDP in 1993; major sectors food-processing, mining, and 
energy; and in export processing zones clothing manufac- 
turing. Country has many minerals, but exploitation has been 
disappointing. Dependent on imported oil and local firewood 
for energy. 

Exports: Estimated at US$311 million in 1992. Major exports 
coffee, vanilla, cloves, shellfish, and sugar. Main markets 



4 



Madagascar 

France, United States, Germany, and Japan. 

Imports: Estimated US$614 million in 1992. Major imports 
intermediate goods, capital goods, petroleum, consumer 
goods, food. Main suppliers France, Japan, and Germany. 

Balance of Payments: External debt in November 1993 more 
than US$4 billion; debt has been rescheduled with Paris Club 
(see Glossary) and London Club (see Glossary) . 

Currency and Exchange Rate: 1 Malagasy franc (FMG) = 100 
centimes; in May 1995, US$1.00 = FMG4,236.9. 

Inflation Rate: Estimated at 20 percent in 1992. 

Fiscal Year: Calendar year. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

Highways: About 4,000 kilometers of 40,000-kilometer road 
system asphalted in 1994. 

Railroads: In 1994 some 1,095 kilometers of 1.000-meter gauge 
track in two separate systems: Antananarivo to Toamasina and 
Fianarantsoa to Manakara. 

Ports: Fifteen major ports of which Toamasina, Mahajanga, 
and Antsiranana most important. 

Airports: About 105 of total airports usable; of these thirty had 
permanent-surface runways in 1994. 

Telecommunications: Telephone service sparse; most 
telephones located in Antananarivo. Two satellite ground 
stations provide excellent international links via International 
Telecommunications Satellite Organization (Intelsat) Indian 
Ocean satellite and Symphonie ground station with European 
telecommunications satellite. Seventeen government-owned 
amplitude modulation (AM) stations, three frequency 
modulation (FM) stations. 

Government and Politics 

Government: Constitution approved August 19, 1992, by 



5 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

national referendum. Constitution establishes separation of 
powers among executive, legislative, and judicial branches; 
multiparty political system; and protection of human rights 
and freedom of speech. President elected by universal suffrage 
for five-year period with two-term limit. Prime minister 
nominated by bicameral parliament composed of Senate and 
National Assembly, and approved by president. Supreme Court 
has eleven members and forms apex of other judicial bodies. 
Local government consists of twenty-eight regions with decen- 
tralized powers in economic field. 

Politics: In first legislative elections of Third Republic in 1993, 
more than 120 political parties entered 4,000 candidates for 
138 seats. Proportional representation list system encourages 
candidacies. Traditional village council (fokonolona) system 
supplements modern political system. 

Foreign Relations: Good relations with many countries, 
particularly France and the West; in post-Cold War era, seeking 
diversified ties with East and West, including Arab countries 
and Far East. 

National Security 

Armed Forces: Popular Armed Forces (including aeronaval 
forces — consisting of navy and air force), Presidential Guard. 
In 1994 army had about 20,000 personnel, navy about 500 
including 100 marines, air force about 500. 

Military Budget: In 1994 estimated at US$37.6 million. 

Major Military Units: Army in 1994 had two battalions, one 
engineer regiment. Army equipment included twelve light 
tanks, reconnaissance vehicles, armored personnel carriers, 
and some towed artillery. Navy had one patrol craft and three 
landing craft. Air force had twelve combat aircraft. 

Paramilitary: In 1994 about 7,500 gendarmerie, including 
maritime police. 



6 



THE REPUBLIC OF MADAGASCAR, formerly known as the 
Malagasy Republic and the Democratic Republic of Madagas- 
car, has undergone significant socioeconomic and political 
changes during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Occu- 
pying a strategic location off the southeast coast of Africa, the 
island historically became the target of British and French 
imperial ambitions. Ultimately, the competition resulted in 
French colonization at the end of the nineteenth century. The 
country gained full independence from colonial rule on June 

26, 1960. Philibert Tsiranana headed the conservative regime 
of the First Republic, superseded in 1975 by a Marxist-oriented 
military regime under Lieutenant Commander Didier Ratsir- 
aka. 

In the face of rising political dissent and socioeconomic 
decline that reached its height at the beginning of the 1990s, 
the Second Republic succumbed to the wave of democratiza- 
tion spreading throughout the African continent. On March 

27, 1993, the inauguration of Albert Zafy as the third elected 
president of Madagascar since independence marked the 
beginning of the Third Republic. 

Historical Setting 

Precolonial Era, Prior to 1894 

The ruins of fortifications built by Arab traders as far back 
as the ninth century underscore Madagascar's historical role as 
a destination for travelers from the Middle East, Asia, and 
Africa. Not until the beginning of the sixteenth century, how- 
ever, did European ships flying Portuguese, Dutch, English, 
and French flags explore Madagascar's shoreline. Beginning in 
1643, several French settlements emerged; the best known of 
these, Tolanaro (formerly Faradofay) on the southeast coast, 
lasted for more than thirty years. The settlement survived in 
part because the colonists had taken pains to establish cordial 
relations with the Antanosy, the ethnic group inhabiting the 
area. Relations deteriorated later, however, and in 1 674 a mas- 
sacre of nearly all the inhabitants ended French colonization 
endeavors for more than a century; survivors fled by sea to the 
neighboring territory of Reunion. 



9 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

This early checking of French imperial designs coincided 
with the spread of piracy into the Indian Ocean. In the absence 
of a significant naval power in waters remote from Europe, pri- 
vateer vessels attacked ships of many nations for nearly forty 
years. The favorite hunting grounds were in the north in the 
Arabian Sea and Red Sea areas, but Madagascar was a popular 
hiding place where crews could recuperate and replenish sup- 
plies for another attack. By this time, the institution of slavery 
also had been implanted on the island. Madagascar became a 
source of slaves, not only for the neighboring islands of Mauri- 
tius and Rodrigues, but also for more distant points, including 
the Western Hemisphere. 

Madagascar's social and political structure facilitated the 
slave trade. Within several small coastal kingdoms, stratified 
societies of nobles, commoners, and slaves gave allegiance to a 
single king or queen. For example, the Sakalava ethnic group 
dominated the western and northern portions of Madagascar 
in two separate kingdoms. Menabe, on the barren western 
grasslands, had its first capital at Toliara; Boina, in the north- 
west, included the port of Mahajanga. The towns became cen- 
ters of trade where cattle and slaves, taken in war, were 
exchanged with European merchants for guns and other man- 
ufactured goods. These political domains were complemented 
by the Betsimisaraka kingdom along the east coast, and the 
southern coastal kingdoms dominated by the Mahafaly and the 
Antandroy ethnic groups. 

The most powerful of Madagascar's kingdoms — the one 
that eventually established hegemony over a great portion of 
the island — was that developed by the Merina ethnic group. 
Before the Merina emerged as the dominant political power on 
the island in the nineteenth century, they alternated between 
periods of political unity and periods in which the kingdom 
separated into smaller political units. The location of the 
Merina in the central highlands afforded them some protec- 
tion from the ravages of warfare that recurred among the 
coastal kingdoms. The distinction, recognized both locally and 
internationally, between the central highlanders (the Merina) 
and the cotiers (inhabitants of the coastal areas) would soon 
exert a major impact on Madagascar's political system (see Pop- 
ulation and Ethnicity, this ch.). Organized like the coastal king- 
doms in a hierarchy of nobles, commoners, and slaves, the 
Merina developed a unique political institution known as the 
fokonolona (village council). Through the fokonolona, village 



10 



Madagascar 



elders and other local notables were able to enact regulations 
and exert a measure of local control in such matters as public 
works and security. 

Two monarchs played key roles in establishing Merina polit- 
ical dominance over Madagascar. The first, who ruled under 
the name of Andrianampoinimerina (r. 1797-1810), seized the 
throne of one of the Merina kingdoms in 1787. By 1806 he had 
conquered the remaining three kingdoms and united them 
within the former boundaries of Imerina, the capital estab- 
lished at the fortified city of Antananarivo. Radama I (r. 1810- 
28), an able and forward-looking monarch, succeeded to the 
throne in 1810 upon the death of his father. By adroitly playing 
off competing British and French interests in the island, he was 
able to extend Merina authority over nearly the entire island of 
Madagascar. Radama I first conquered the Betsileo ethnic 
group in the southern part of the central highlands and subse- 
quently overpowered the Sakalava, an ethnic group that also 
sought at times to assert its hegemony over other groups. With 
the help of the British, who wanted a strong kingdom to offset 
French influence, Radama I modernized the armed forces. In 
1817 the peoples of the east coast, facing an army of 35,000 sol- 
diers, submitted with little or no protest; Radama then con- 
quered the entire southeast as far as Tolanaro. Particularly 
barren or impenetrable parts of the island escaped conquest, 
especially in the extreme south, but before his death Radama I 
succeeded in bringing the major and more hospitable portions 
of the country under Merina rule. 

Radama I's interest in modernization along Western lines 
extended to social and political matters. He organized a cabi- 
net and encouraged the Protestant London Missionary Society 
to establish schools and churches and to introduce the printing 
press — a move that was to have far-reaching implications for 
the country. The society made nearly half a million converts, 
and its teachers devised a written form of the local language, 
Malagasy, using the Latin alphabet. By 1828 several thousand 
persons, primarily Merina, had become literate, and a few 
young persons were being sent to Britain for schooling. Later 
the Merina dialect of Malagasy became the official language. 
Malagasy-language publications were established and circu- 
lated among the Merina-educated elite; by 1896 some 164,000 
children, mainly Merina and Betsileo, attended the mission's 
primary schools. Along with new ideas came some develop- 
ment of local manufacturing. Much productive time was spent, 



11 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

however, in military campaigns to expand territory and acquire 
slaves for trade. 

The reign of Radama I's wife and successor, Queen Ranava- 
lona I (r. 1828-61), was essentially reactionary, reflecting her 
distrust of foreign influence. Under the oligarchy that ruled in 
her name, rivals were slain, numerous Protestant converts were 
persecuted and killed, and many Europeans fled the island. 
The ruling elite held all the land and monopolized commerce, 
except for the handful of Europeans allowed to deal in cattle, 
rice, and other commodities. Remunerations to the queen pro- 
vided the French traders a supply of slaves and a monopoly in 
the slave trade. Enjoying particular favor owing to his remark- 
able accomplishments was French artisan Jean Laborde, who 
established at Mantasoa, near Antananarivo, a manufacturing 
complex and agricultural research station where he manufac- 
tured commodities ranging from silk and soap to guns, tools, 
and cement. 

During the reign of Radama II (r. 1861-63), the pendulum 
once again swung toward modernization and cordial relations 
with Western nations, particularly France. Radama II made a 
treaty of perpetual friendship with France, but his brief rule 
ended with his assassination by a group of nobles alarmed by 
his pro-French stance. He was succeeded by his widow, who 
ruled until 1868, during which time she annulled the treaty 
with France and the charter of Laborde's company. 

After 1868 a Merina leader, Rainilaiarivony, ruled the mon- 
archy. To avoid giving either the French or the British a pretext 
for intervention, Rainilaiarivony emphasized modernization of 
the society and tried to curry British favor without giving 
offense to the French. He made concessions to both countries, 
signing a commercial treaty with France in 1868 and with Brit- 
ain in 1877. Important social developments under his leader- 
ship included the outlawing of polygamy and the slave trade; 
the promulgation of new legal codes; the spread of education, 
especially among the Merina; and the conversion of the monar- 
chy in 1869 to Protestantism. 

Colonial Era, 1894-1960 

The French largely ended the attempts of Malagasy rulers to 
stymie foreign influence by declaring a protectorate over the 
entire island in 1894. A protectorate over northwest Madagas- 
car, based on treaties signed with the Sakalava during the 
1840s, had existed since 1882. But Queen Ranavalona III 



12 



Madagascar 



refused to recognize the 1894 effort to subordinate her king- 
dom to French rule. As a result, a French expeditionary force 
occupied Antananarivo in September 1895. A wave of antifor- 
eign, anti-Christian rioting ensued. In 1896 France declared 
Madagascar a French colony and deported the queen and the 
prime minister — first to Reunion, then to Algeria. 

Nationalist sentiment against French colonial rule eventu- 
ally emerged among a small group of Merina intellectuals who 
had been educated by Europeans and exposed to Western 
intellectual thought. The group, based in Antananarivo, was 
led by a Malagasy Protestant clergyman, Pastor Ravelojoana, 
who was especially inspired by the Japanese model of modern- 
ization. A secret society dedicated to affirming Malagasy cul- 
tural identity was formed in 1913, calling itself Iron and Stone 
Ramification (Vy Vato Sakelika— WS) . Although the WS was 
brutally suppressed, its actions eventually led French authori- 
ties to provide the Malagasy with their first representative voice 
in government. 

Malagasy veterans of military service in France during 
World War I bolstered the embryonic nationalist movement. 
Throughout the 1920s, the nationalists stressed labor reform 
and equality of civil and political status for the Malagasy, stop- 
ping short of advocating independence. For example, the 
French League for Madagascar under the leadership of Ana- 
tole France demanded French citizenship for all Malagasy peo- 
ple in recognition of their country's wartime contribution of 
soldiers and resources. A number of veterans who remained in 
France were exposed to French political thought, most notably 
the anticolonial and pro-independence platforms of French 
socialist parties. Jean Ralaimongo, for example, returned to 
Madagascar in 1924 and became embroiled in labor questions 
that were causing considerable tension throughout the island. 

Among the first concessions to Malagasy equality was the 
formation in 1924 of two economic and financial delegations. 
One was composed of French settlers, the other of twenty-four 
Malagasy representatives elected by the Council of Notables in 
each of twenty-four districts. The two sections never met 
together, and neither had real decision-making authority. 

Only in the aftermath of World War II was France willing to 
accept a form of Malagasy self-rule under French tutelage. In 
the fall of 1945, separate French and Malagasy electoral col- 
leges voted to elect representatives from Madagascar to the 
Constituent Assembly of the Fourth Republic in Paris. The two 



13 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

delegates chosen by the Malagasy, Joseph Raseta and Joseph 
Ravoahangy, both campaigned to implement the ideal of the 
self-determination of peoples affirmed by the Atlantic Charter 
of 1941 and by the historic Brazzaville Conference of 1944. 

Raseta and Ravoahangy, together with Jacques Rabemanan- 
jara, a writer long resident in Paris, had organized the Demo- 
cratic Movement for Malagasy Restoration (Mouvement 
Democratique de la Renovation Malgache — MDRM) , the fore- 
most among several political parties formed in Madagascar by 
early 1946. Although Protestant Merina were well represented 
in the MDRM's higher echelons, the party's 300,000 members 
were drawn from a broad political base reaching across the 
entire island and crosscutting ethnic and social divisions. Sev- 
eral smaller MDRM rivals included the Party of the Malagasy 
Disinherited (Parti des Desherites Malgaches) , whose members 
were mainly cotiers or descendants of slaves from the central 
highlands. 

The 1946 constitution of the French Fourth Republic made 
Madagascar a territoire d'outre-mer (overseas territory) within the 
French Union. It accorded full citizenship to all Malagasy par- 
allel with that enjoyed by citizens in France. But the assimila- 
tionist policy inherent in its framework was incongruent with 
the MDRM goal of full independence for Madagascar, so 
Ravoahangy and Raseta abstained from voting. The two dele- 
gates also objected to the separate French and Malagasy elec- 
toral colleges, even though Madagascar was represented in the 
French National Assembly. The constitution divided Madagas- 
car administratively into a number of provinces, each of which 
was to have a locally elected provincial assembly. Not long after, 
a National Representative Assembly was constituted at 
Antananarivo. In the first elections for the provincial assem- 
blies, the MDRM won all seats or a majority of seats, except in 
Mahajanga Province. 

Despite these reforms, the political scene in Madagascar 
remained unstable. Economic and social concerns, including 
food shortages, black-market scandals, labor conscription, 
renewed ethnic tensions, and the return of soldiers from 
France, strained an already volatile situation. Many of the veter- 
ans felt they had been less well treated by France than had vet- 
erans from metropolitan France; others had been politically 
radicalized by their wartime experiences. The blend of fear, 
respect, and emulation on which Franco-Malagasy relations 
had been based seemed at an end. 



14 



Madagascar 



On March 29, 1947, Malagasy nationalists revolted against 
the French. Although the uprising eventually spread over one- 
third of the island, the French were able to restore order after 
reinforcements arrived from France. Casualties among the 
Malagasy were estimated in the 60,000 to 80,000 range (later 
reports estimated 11,000 casualties, of whom 180 were non- 
Malagasy) . The group of leaders responsible for the uprising, 
which came to be referred to as the Revolt of 1947, never has 
been identified conclusively. Although the MDRM leadership 
consistently maintained its innocence, the French outlawed the 
party. French military courts tried the military leaders of the 
revolt and executed twenty of them. Other trials produced, by 
one report, some 5,000 to 6,000 convictions, and penalties 
ranged from brief imprisonment to death. 

In 1956 France's socialist government renewed the French 
commitment to greater autonomy in Madagascar and other 
colonial possessions by enacting the loi-cadre (enabling law). 
The loi-cadre provided for universal suffrage and was the basis 
for parliamentary government in each colony. In the case of 
Madagascar, the law established executive councils to function 
alongside provincial and national assemblies, and dissolved the 
separate electoral colleges for the French and Malagasy groups. 
The provision for universal suffrage had significant implica- 
tions in Madagascar because of the basic ethnopolitical split 
between the Merina and the coders, reinforced by the divisions 
between Protestants and Roman Catholics. Superior armed 
strength and educational and cultural advantages had given 
the Merina a dominant influence on the political process dur- 
ing much of the country's history. The Merina were heavily rep- 
resented in the Malagasy component of the small elite to whom 
suffrage had been restricted in the earlier years of French rule. 
Now the cotiers, who outnumbered the Merina, would be a 
majority. 

The end of the 1950s was marked by growing debate over 
the future of Madagascar's relationship with France. Two major 
political parties emerged. The newly created Social Democratic 
Party of Madagascar (Parti Social Democrate de Madagascar — 
PSD) favored self-rule while maintaining close ties with France. 
The PSD was led by Philibert Tsiranana, a well-educated Tsimi- 
hety from the northern coastal region who was one of three 
Malagasy deputies elected in 1956 to the National Assembly in 
Paris. The PSD built upon Tsiranana's traditional political 
stronghold of Mahajanga in northwest Madagascar and rapidly 



15 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

extended its sources of support by absorbing most of the 
smaller parties that had been organized by the coders. In sharp 
contrast, those advocating complete independence from 
France came together under the auspices of the Congress Party 
for the Independence of Madagascar (Antokon'ny Kongresy 
Fanafahana an'i Madagasikara — AKFM). Primarily based in 
Antananarivo and Antsiranana, party support centered among 
the Merina under the leadership of Richard Andriamanjato, 
himself a Merina and a member of the Protestant clergy. To the 
consternation of French policy makers, the AKFM platform 
called for nationalization of foreign-owned industries, collectiv- 
ization of land, the "Malagachization" of society away from 
French values and customs (most notably use of the French 
language), international nonalignment, and exit from the 
Franc Zone (see Glossary) . 

Independence, the First Republic, and the Military Transition, 
1960-75 

After France adopted the Constitution of the Fifth Republic 
under the leadership of General Charles de Gaulle, on Septem- 
ber 28, 1958, Madagascar held a referendum to determine 
whether the country should become a self-governing republic 
within the French community. The AKFM and other national- 
ists opposed to the concept of limited self-rule mustered about 
25 percent of votes cast. The vast majority of the population at 
the urging of the PSD leadership voted in favor of the referen- 
dum. The vote led to the election of Tsiranana as the country's 
first president on April 27, 1959. After a year of negotiations 
between Tsiranana and his French counterparts, Madagascar's 
status as a self-governing republic officially was altered on June 
26, 1960, to that of a fully independent and sovereign state. 
The cornerstone of Tsiranana's government was the signing 
with France of fourteen agreements and conventions designed 
to maintain and strengthen Franco-Malagasy ties. These agree- 
ments were to provide the basis for increasing opposition from 
Tsiranana's critics. 

A spirit of political reconciliation prevailed in the early 
1960s. By achieving independence and obtaining the release of 
the MDRM leaders detained since the Revolt of 1947, Tsir- 
anana had co-opted the chief issues on which the more aggres- 
sively nationalist elements had built much of their support. 
Consistent with Tsiranana's firm commitment to remain 
attached to Western civilization, the new regime made plain its 



16 



View of Antananarivo from the Royal Hill 
Courtesy Brian Kensley 

intent to maintain strong ties to France and the West in the 
economic, defense, and cultural spheres. Not entirely sanguine 
about this prospect, the opposition initially concurred in the 
interest of consolidating the gains of the previous decade, and 
most ethnic and regional interests supported Tsiranana. 

Similar to other African leaders during the early indepen- 
dence era, Tsiranana oversaw the consolidation of his own 
party's power at the expense of other parties. A political system 
that strongly favored the incumbent complemented these 
actions. For example, although the political process allowed 
minority parties to participate, the constitution mandated a 
winner-take-all system that effectively denied the opposition a 
voice in governance. Tsiranana's position was further strength- 
ened by the broad, multiethnic popular base of the PSD among 
the cotiers, whereas the opposition was severely disorganized. 
The AKFM continued to experience intraparty rifts between 
leftist and ultranationalist, more orthodox Marxist factions; it 
was unable to capitalize on increasingly active but relatively less 
privileged Malagasy youth because the party's base was the 
Merina middle class. 

A new force on the political scene provided the first serious 
challenge to the Tsiranana government in April 1971. The 
National Movement for the Independence of Madagascar 
(Mouvement National pour l'lndependance de Madagascar — 
Monima) led a peasant uprising in Toliara Province. The cre- 
ator and leader of Monima was Monjajaona, a coder from the 
south who also participated in the Revolt of 1947. The main 
issue was government pressure for tax collection at a time when 
local cattle herds were being ravaged by disease. The protesters 



17 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

attacked military and administrative centers in the area, appar- 
ently hoping for support in the form of weapons and reinforce- 
ments from China. Such help never arrived, and the revolt was 
harshly and quickly suppressed. An estimated fifty to 1,000 per- 
sons died, Monima was dissolved, and Monima leaders, includ- 
ing Jaona and several hundred protesters, were arrested and 
deported to the island of Nosy-Lava. 

Another movement came on the scene in early 1972, in the 
form of student protests in Antananarivo. A general strike 
involving the nation's roughly 100,000 secondary-level students 
focused on three principal issues: ending the cultural coopera- 
tion agreements with France; replacing educational programs 
designed for schools in France and taught by French teachers 
with programs emphasizing Malagasy life and culture and 
taught by Malagasy instructors; and increasing access for eco- 
nomically underprivileged youth to secondary-level institu- 
tions. By early May, the PSD sought to end the student strike at 
any cost; on May 12 and 13, the government arrested several 
hundred student leaders and sent them to Nosy-Lava. Authori- 
ties also closed the schools and banned demonstrations. 

Mounting economic stagnation — as revealed in scarcities of 
investment capital, a general decline in living standards, and 
the failure to meet even modest development goals — further 
undermined the government's position. Forces unleashed by 
the growing economic crisis combined with student unrest to 
create an opposition alliance. Workers, public servants, peas- 
ants, and many unemployed urban youth of Antananarivo 
joined the student strike, which spread to the provinces. Pro- 
testers set fire to the town hall and to the offices of a French- 
language newspaper in the capital. 

The turning point occurred on May 13 when the Republi- 
can Security Force (Force Republicaine de Securite — FRS) 
opened fire on the rioters; in the ensuing melee, between fif- 
teen and forty persons were killed and about 150 injured. Tsir- 
anana declared a state of national emergency and on May 18 
dissolved his government, effectively ending the First Republic. 
He then turned over full power to the National Army under 
the command of General Gabriel Ramanantsoa, a politically 
conservative Merina and former career officer in the French 
army. The National Army had maintained strict political neu- 
trality in the crisis, and its intervention to restore order was wel- 
comed by protesters and opposition elements. 



18 



Madagascar 



The Ramanantsoa military regime could not resolve rising 
economic and ethnic problems, and narrowly survived an 
attempted coup d'etat on December 31, 1974. The fact that the 
coup was led by several cotter officers against a Merina military 
leader underscored the growing Merina/ cotier polarization in 
the military. In an attempt at restoring unity, Ramanantsoa, on 
February 5, 1975, turned over power to Colonel Richard Ratsi- 
mandrava (a Merina with a less "aristocratic" background). Five 
days later, Ratsimandrava was assassinated, and a National Mili- 
tary Directorate was formed to restore order by declaring mar- 
tial law, strictly censoring political expression, and suspending 
all political parties. 

The political transition crisis was resolved on June 15, 1975, 
when the National Military Directorate selected Lieutenant 
Commander Didier Ratsiraka as head of state and president of 
a new ruling body, the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) . 
The choice of Ratsiraka allayed ethnic concerns because he was 
a cotier belonging to the Betsimisaraka ethnic group. In addi- 
tion, Ratsiraka — a dedicated socialist — was perceived by his mil- 
itary peers as a consensus candidate capable of forging unity 
among the various leftist political parties (such as AKFM and 
Monima), students, urban workers, the peasantry, and the 
armed forces. 

The Second Republic, 1975-92 

Ratsiraka was elected to a seven-year term as president in a 
national referendum on December 21, 1975, confirming the 
mandate for consensus and inaugurating Madagascar's Second 
Republic. 

The guiding principle of Ratsiraka's administration was the 
need for a socialist "revolution from above." Specifically, he 
sought to radically change Malagasy society in accordance with 
programs and principles incorporated into the Charter of the 
Malagasy Socialist Revolution, popularly referred to as the "Red 
Book" (Boky Mena) . According to this document, the primary 
goal of the newly renamed Democratic Republic of Madagascar 
was to build a "new society" founded on socialist principles and 
guided by the actions of the "five pillars of the revolution": the 
SRC, peasants and workers, young intellectuals, women, and 
the Popular Armed Forces. "The socialist revolution," explains 
the Red Book, "is the only choice possible for us in order to 
achieve rapid economic and cultural development in an auton- 
omous, humane, and harmonious manner." The Red Book 



19 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

advocated a new foreign policy based on the principle of non- 
alignment, and domestic policies focused on renovating the 
fokonolona, decentralizing the administration, and fomenting 
economic development through rigorous planning and popu- 
lar input. 

Several early policies collectively decided by Ratsiraka and 
other members of the SRC set the tone of the revolution from 
above. The first major SRC decision was to bring the French- 
held sectors of the economy under government control. This 
"economic decolonization" was welcomed by nationalists, who 
long had clamored for economic and cultural independence 
from France. The government also lifted martial law but 
retained rigid press censorship. Finally, the SRC ordered the 
closure of an earth satellite tracking station operated by the 
United States as part of its commitment to nonaligned foreign 
relations. 

Political consolidation proceeded apace following the addi- 
tion of ten civilians to the SRC in January 1976. This act consti- 
tuted the beginning of a civil-military partnership in that the 
SRC became more representative of the country's major politi- 
cal tendencies and ethnic communities. In March the Van- 
guard of the Malagasy Revolution (Antokin'ny Revolisiona 
Malagasy — Arema) was founded as the government party, and 
Ratsiraka became its secretary general. In sharp contrast to the 
single-party states created by other African Marxist leaders, 
Arema served as simply one (albeit the most powerful) mem- 
ber of a coalition of six parties united under the umbrella of 
the National Front for the Defense of the Revolution (Front 
National pour la Defense de la Revolution — FNDR) . Member- 
ship in the FNDR, necessary for participation in the electoral 
process, was preconditioned on party endorsement of the revo- 
lutionary principles and programs contained in the Red Book. 

Ratsiraka and Arema clearly dominated the political system. 
In the fokonolona elections held in March 1977, for example, 
Arema captured 90 percent of 73,000 contested seats in 11,400 
assemblies. In June 1977, Arema won 220 out of a total of 232 
seats in elections for six provincial general assemblies, and 112 
out of a total of 137 seats in the Popular National Assembly. 
This trend toward consolidation was most vividly demonstrated 
by Rasiraka's announcement of his 1977 cabinet in which 
Arema members held sixteen of eighteen ministerial posts. 

Yet, less than three years after taking power, Ratsiraka's 
regime was confronted with growing popular disenchantment. 



20 



Madagascar 



As early as September 1977, antigovernment demonstrations 
erupted in Antananarivo because of severe shortages in food- 
stuffs and essential commodities. This trend intensified as the 
economy worsened under the weight of ill-conceived economic 
policies that gradually centralized government control over the 
key sectors of the economy, including banking and agriculture. 
Ratsiraka defiantly adopted authoritarian tactics in response to 
the evolving opposition, sending in the armed forces to stifle 
dissent and maintain order during student riots in May 1978. 
In the economic realm, however, Ratsiraka accepted the free- 
market reforms demanded by the International Monetary 
Fund (IMF — see Glossary) in order to ensure an infusion of 
foreign assistance vital to keeping the economy functioning. 
Whereas Ratsiraka's drift toward authoritarianism provided his 
enemies with political cannon fodder, his economic reforms 
led them to charge him with abandoning "scientific socialism" 
and alienated his traditional base of political supporters, as 
well. 

The results of presidential elections within the de facto sin- 
gle-party framework that prevailed throughout the Second 
Republic clearly demonstrated Ratsiraka's declining political 
fortunes. Widespread initial enthusiasm for his socialist revolu- 
tion from above secured him nearly 95 percent of the popular 
vote in the 1975 presidential elections, but support declined to 
80 percent in 1982 and to only 63 percent in 1989. The year of 
1989 marked a special turning point in that the fall of the Ber- 
lin Wall heralded the intellectual death of single-party rule in 
Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union and similarly 
transformed electoral politics in Africa. In the case of Madagas- 
car, increasingly vocal opposition parties denounced what they 
and international observers considered massive fraud in the 
1989 presidential election, including Ratsiraka's refusal to 
update outdated voting lists that excluded the anti-Ratsiraka 
youth vote and the stuffing of ballot boxes at unmonitored 
rural polling stations. Massive demonstrations against Ratsir- 
aka's inauguration led to violent clashes in Antananarivo that, 
according to official figures, left seventy-five dead and 
wounded. 

Popular discontent with the Ratsiraka regime heightened 
on August 10, 1991, when more than 400,000 citizens marched 
peacefully on the President's Palace in order to oust the Ratsir- 
aka government and create a new multiparty political system. 
Ratsiraka already faced an economy crippled by a general 



21 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

strike that had begun in May, as well as a divided and restless 
military whose loyalty no longer could be assumed. When the 
Presidential Guard opened fire on the marchers and killed and 
wounded hundreds, a crisis of leadership occurred. 

The net result of these events was Ratsiraka's agreement on 
October 31, 1991, to support a process of democratic transi- 
tion, complete with the formulation of a new constitution and 
the holding of free and fair multiparty elections. Albert Zafy, 
the central leader of the opposition forces and a cotier of the 
Tsimihety ethnic group, played a critical role in this transition 
process and ultimately emerged as the first president of Mada- 
gascar's Third Republic. The leader of the Comite des Forces 
Vives (Vital Forces Committee, known as Forces Vives), an 
umbrella opposition group composed of sixteen political par- 
ties that spearheaded the 1991 demonstrations, Zafy also 
emerged as the head of what became known as the High State 
Authority, a transitional government that shared power with 
the Ratsiraka regime during the democratization process. 

A new draft constitution was approved by 75 percent of 
those voting in a national referendum on August 19, 1992. The 
first round of presidential elections followed on November 25. 
Frontrunner Zafy won 46 percent of the popular vote as the 
Forces Vives candidate, and Ratsiraka, as leader of his own 
newly created progovernment front, the Militant Movement 
for Malagasy Socialism (Mouvement Militant pour le Social- 
isme Malgache — MMSM), won approximately 29 percent of 
the vote. The remaining votes were split among a variety of 
other candidates. Because neither candidate obtained a major- 
ity of the votes cast, a second round of elections between the 
two frontrunners was held on February 10, 1993. Zafy emerged 
victorious with nearly 67 percent of the popular vote. 

The Third Republic, 1993- 

The Third Republic officially was inaugurated on March 27, 
1993, when Zafy was sworn in as president. The victory of the 
Forces Vives was further consolidated in elections held on June 
13, 1993, for 138 seats in the newly created National Assembly. 
Voters turned out in low numbers (roughly 30 to 40 percent 
abstained) because they were being called upon to vote for the 
fourth time in less than a year. The Forces Vives and other 
allied parties won seventy-five seats. This coalition gave Zafy a 
clear majority and enabled him to chose Francisque Ravony of 
the Forces Vives as prime minister. 



22 



Madagascar 



By the latter half of 1994, the heady optimism that accompa- 
nied this dramatic transition process had declined somewhat as 
the newly elected democratic government found itself con- 
fronted with numerous economic and political obstacles. Add- 
ing to these woes was the relatively minor but nonetheless 
embarrassing political problem of Ratsiraka's refusal to vacate 
the President's Palace. The Zafy regime has found itself under 
increasing economic pressure from the IMF and foreign 
donors to implement market reforms, such as cutting budget 
deficits and a bloated civil service, that do little to respond to 
the economic problems facing the majority of Madagascar's 
population. Zafy also confronts growing divisions within his rul- 
ing coalition, as well as opposition groups commonly referred 
to as "federalists" seeking greater power for the provinces 
(known as faritany) under a more decentralized government 
(see fig. 2). Although recently spurred by the desire of anti- 
Zafy forces to gain greater control over local affairs, historically 
Madagascar has witnessed a tension between domination by 
the central highlanders and pressures from residents of outly- 
ing areas to manage their own affairs. In short, the Zafy regime 
faces the dilemma of using relatively untested political struc- 
tures and "rules of the game" to resolve numerous issues of gov- 
ernance. 

Physical Environment 

Topography 

Madagascar can be divided into five geographical regions: 
the east coast, the Tsaratanana Massif, the central highlands, 
the west coast, and the southwest. The highest elevations paral- 
lel the east coast, whereas the land slopes more gradually to the 
west coast (see fig. 3). 

The east coast consists of a narrow band of lowlands, about 
fifty kilometers wide, formed from the sedimentation of alluvial 
soils, and an intermediate zone, composed of steep bluffs alter- 
nating with ravines bordering an escarpment of about 500 
meters in elevation, which gives access to the central highlands. 
The coastal region extends roughly from north of Baie 
d'Antongil, the most prominent feature on the east coast of the 
island formed by the Masoala Peninsula, to the far south of the 
island. The coastline is straight, with the exception of the bay, 
offering less in the way of natural harbors than the west coast. 
The Canal des Pangalanes (Lakandranon' Ampalangalana) , an 



23 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

800-kilometer-long lagoon formed naturally by the washing of 
sand up on the island by the Indian Ocean currents and by the 
silting of rivers, is a feature of the coast; it has been used both 
as a means of transportation up and down the coast and as a 
fishing area. The beach slopes steeply into deep water. The east 
coast is considered dangerous for swimmers and sailors 
because of the large number of sharks that frequent the shore- 
line. 

The Tsaratanana Massif region at the north end of the 
island contains, at 2,880 meters, the highest point on the island 
and, north of this, the Montagne d'Ambre (Ambohitra) , which 
is of volcanic origin. The coastline is deeply indented; two 
prominent features are the excellent natural harbor at Antsir- 
anana (Diego Suarez), just south of the Cap d'Ambre (Tanjon' 
i Bobaomby), and the large island of Nosy-Be to the west. The 
mountainous topography to the south, however, limits the 
potential of the port at Antsiranana by impeding the flow of 
traffic from other parts of the island. 

The central highlands, which range from 800 to 1,800 
meters in altitude, contain a wide variety of topographies: 
rounded and eroded hills, massive granite outcroppings, 
extinct volcanoes, eroded peneplains, and alluvial plains and 
marshes, which have been converted into irrigated rice fields. 
The central highlands extend from the Tsaratanana Massif in 
the north to the Ivakoany Massif in the south. They are defined 
rather clearly by the escarpments along the east coast, and they 
slope gently to the west coast. The central highlands include 
the Anjafy High Plateaux; the volcanic formations of Itasy 
(Lake Itasy itself is found in a volcanic crater) and the 
Ankaratra Massif, reaching a height of 2,666 meters; and the 
Ivakoany Massif in the south. The Isalo Roiniforme Massif lies 
between the central highlands and the west coast. Antanan- 
arivo, the national capital, is located in the northern portion of 
the central highlands at 1,468 meters above sea level. A promi- 
nent feature of the central highlands is a rift valley running 
north to south, located east of Antananarivo and including Lac 
Alaotra, the largest body of water on the island, having a length 
of forty kilometers. The lake is located 761 meters above sea 
level and is bordered by two cliffs, rising 701 meters to the west 
and 488 meters to the east, which form the walls of a valley 
resembling the rift valleys of East Africa. This region has expe- 
rienced geological subsidence, and earth tremors are frequent 
here. 



24 



Madagascar 



The west coast, composed of sedimentary formations depos- 
ited in several layers over time, is more indented than the east 
coast, especially in the northwest, thus offering a number of 
fine harbors sheltered from cyclones, such as the harbor at 
Mahajanga. Deep bays and well-protected harbors have 
attracted explorers, traders, and pirates from Europe, Africa, 
and the Middle East since ancient times; thus, the area has 
served as an important bridge between Madagascar and the 
outside world. Yet the broad alluvial plains found on the coast 
between Mahajanga and Toliara, which are believed to have 
great agricultural potential, are thinly inhabited and remain 
largely unexploited. 

The southwest is bordered on the east by the Ivakoany Mas- 
sif and on the north by the Isala Roiniforme Massif. It includes 
two regions along the south coast, the Mahafaly Plateau and 
the desert region occupied by the Antandroy people. 

The Mananara and Mangoro rivers flow from the central 
highlands to the east coast, as does the Maningory, which flows 
from Lake Alaotra. Other rivers flowing east into the Indian 
Ocean include the Bemarivo, the Ivondro, and the Mananjary. 
These rivers tend to be short because the watershed is located 
close to the east coast. Owing to the steep elevations, they flow 
rapidly, often over spectacular waterfalls. The rivers flowing to 
the west coast and emptying into the Mozambique Channel 
tend to be longer and slower, because of the more gradual 
slope of the land. The major rivers on the west coast are the 
Sambirano, the Mahajamba, the Betsiboka (the port of 
Mahajanga is located at the mouth), the Mania, the North and 
South Mahavavy, the Mangoky, and the Onilahy. The Ikopa, 
which flows past Antananarivo, is a tributary of the Betsiboka. 
The Mangoky River has a basin area of some 50,000 square 
kilometers; the Ikopa River and the Betsiboka River have basin 
areas of 18,550 and 11,800 square kilometers, respectively. The 
principal river in the south, the Mandrare, has a basin area of 
some 12,435 square kilometers, but it runs dry during certain 
months in this desert region. Important lakes, aside from 
Alaotra, include Lake Kinkony in the northwest and Lake 
Ihotry in the southwest. 

Madagascar has been called the "Great Red Island" because 
of the supposed preponderance of red lateritic soils. The red 
soils predominate in the central highlands, although there are 
much richer soils in the regions of former volcanic activity- — 
Itasy and Ankaratra, and Tsaratanana to the north. A narrow 



27 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

band of alluvial soils is found all along the east coast and at the 
mouths of the major rivers on the west coast; clay, sand, and 
limestone mixtures are found in the west; and shallow or skele- 
tal laterite and limestone are located in the south. 

Climate 

The climate is dominated by the southeastern trade winds 
that originate in the Indian Ocean anticyclone, a center of 
high atmospheric pressure that seasonally changes its position 
over the ocean. Madagascar has two seasons: a hot, rainy season 
from November to April; and a cooler, dry season from May to 
October. There is, however, great variation in climate owing to 
elevation and position relative to dominant winds. The east 
coast has a subequatorial climate and, being most directly 
exposed to the trade winds, has the heaviest rainfall, averaging 
as much as 3.5 meters annually. This region is notorious not 
only for a hot, humid climate in which tropical fevers are 
endemic but also for the destructive cyclones that occur during 
the rainy season, coming in principally from the direction of 
the Mascarene Islands. Because rain clouds discharge much of 
their moisture east of the highest elevations on the island, the 
central highlands are appreciably drier and, owing to the alti- 
tude, also cooler. Thunderstorms are common during the rainy 
season in the central highlands, and lightning is a serious haz- 
ard. 

Antananarivo receives practically all of its average annual 
1.4 meters of rainfall between November and April. The dry 
season is pleasant and sunny, although somewhat chilly, espe- 
cially in the mornings. Although frosts are rare in Antanan- 
arivo, they are common at higher elevations. During this time, 
the blue skies of the central highlands around Antananarivo 
are considered by many to be among the clearest and most 
beautiful in the world. 

The west coast is drier than either the east coast or the cen- 
tral highlands because the trade winds lose their humidity by 
the time they reach this region. The southwest and the extreme 
south are semidesert; as little as one-third of a meter of rain 
falls annually at Toliara. Overall, surface water is most abun- 
dant along the east coast and in the far north (with the excep- 
tion of the area around Cap d'Ambre, which has relatively little 
surface water) . Amounts diminish to the west and south, and 
the driest regions are in the extreme south. 



28 



Madagascar 



Madagascar suffers the impact of cyclones from time to 
time. From February 2-4, 1994, Madagascar was struck by 
Cyclone Geralda, the worst cyclone to come ashore on the 
island since 1927. The cyclone killed seventy people and 
destroyed enough property to leave approximately 500,000 
homeless, including 30,000 in Antananarivo and 80,000 in Toa- 
masina. The cyclone also significantly damaged the country's 
infrastructure, most notably coastal roads, railroads, and tele- 
communications, as well as agriculture. Damage has been esti- 
mated at US$45 million, and the World Bank's (see Glossary) 
International Development Association and various European 
organizations are engaged in financing the reconstruction. 
The Madagascar government will contribute US$6 million 
toward the infrastructure rehabilitation. 

Flora and Fauna 

The island of Madagascar has been described as an "alter- 
nate world" or a "world apart" because of the uniqueness and 
rarity of many of its plant and animal species. Their characteris- 
tics are believed to reflect the island's origins as a part of Gond- 
wanaland and its many millions of years of virtually total 
isolation following the breakup of the landmass. Thus, certain 
plants, including the "traveler's" tree (so called because its 
trunk holds potable water), are found both in Madagascar and 
on the South American continent, but not in Africa. Many of 
the most characteristic African species, particularly such large 
mammals as the elephant, rhinoceros, giraffe, zebra, and ante- 
lope and such beasts of prey as the lion and leopard, do not 
exist in Madagascar. In addition, the island has been spared the 
great variety of venomous snakes indigenous to the African 
continent. Although it is assumed that most life forms on the 
island had an African (or South American) origin, many mil- 
lions of years of near-complete isolation have allowed old spe- 
cies — elsewhere extinct — to survive and new species unique to 
the island to evolve. Thus, a great number of plant, insect, rep- 
tile, and fish species are found only in Madagascar, and all 
indigenous land mammal species — sixty-six in all — are unique 
to the island. 

Madagascar was once covered almost completely by forests, 
but the practice of burning the woods to clear the land for dry 
rice cultivation has denuded most of the landscape, especially 
in the central highlands. Rain forests are concentrated on the 
steep hillsides along a slender north-south axis bordering the 



29 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

east coast, from the Tsaratanana Massif in the north to Tolan- 
aro in the south. Secondary growth, which has replaced the 
original forest and consists to a large extent of traveler's trees, 
raffia, and baobabs, is found in many places along the east 
coast and in the north. The vegetation of the central highlands 
and the west coast is for the most part savanna or steppe, and 
coarse prairie grass predominates where erosion has not 
exposed the orange-red lateritic soil. In the southwest, the veg- 
etation is adapted to desert conditions. 

The remaining rain forest contains a great number of 
unique plant species. The country has some 900 species of 
orchids. Bananas, mangoes, coconut, vanilla, and other tropi- 
cal plants grow on the coasts, and the eucalyptus tree, brought 
from Australia, is widespread. 

Wood and charcoal from the forests are used to meet 80 
percent of domestic fuel needs. As a result, fuelwood has 
become scarce. The World Bank in 1990 launched an environ- 
mental program that has increased the planting of pine and 
eucalyptus to satisfy fuel needs. 

Society 

Population And Ethnicity 

Madagascar has experienced steady population growth 
throughout the twentieth century. Since the first systematic 
census was undertaken by colonial authorities at the turn of the 
twentieth century, the population has grown from 2.2 million 
in 1900 to 7.6 million in 1975 (the last year that a census was 
undertaken) and to a population estimated by the IMF in mid- 
1993 at 11.86 million. It is expected that the population will 
approach 17 million by the end of the twentieth century, 
underscoring a more than fivefold increase in less than a hun- 
dred years. Moreover, the average rate of population growth 
itself has increased from 2.3 percent in 1975 to 3.1 percent 
over the 1980 to 1990 decade. This rate has made Madagascar 
one of the most rapidly growing countries in Africa, with a 
large youthful population — in 1992 nearly 55 percent of the 
population was under twenty years of age. 

The increase in population is significantly influenced by 
Madagascar's increasingly healthy and youthful population. As 
a result of more extensive and accessible health care services, 
for example, Madagascar has witnessed a 36 percent decline in 
infant mortality from 177 per 1,000 live births in 1981 to 114 



30 



Madagascar 



per 1,000 in 1991 — the average for sub-Saharan Africa was 103. 
Moreover, as of 1991 a significant portion of the population 
(estimates range from 40 to 50 percent) was below fourteen 
years of age, and population density (per square kilometer) 
had risen to twenty (from roughly fourteen in 1981). 

The urban population percentage has doubled since 1975, 
rising from 13 percent of the population to 26 percent in 1992. 
The annual urban population growth rate in the 1980s was 6.4 
percent. Figures for Madagascar's foreign population in the 
early 1990s are lacking, but in 1988, such persons were esti- 
mated to include 25,000 Comorans, 18,000 French, 17,000 
Indians, and 9,000 Chinese. 

A unique blend of African and Asian landscapes and cul- 
tures is usually one of the first things recognized by first-time 
travelers to Madagascar. In the zebu cattle-raising regions of 
the south and west, for example, the savannas resemble those 
of East Africa. In the central highlands, however, irrigated and 
terraced rice fields evoke images of Southeast Asia. These con- 
trasting images lie at the heart of an ongoing debate over the 
origins of the Malagasy people. 

According to one theory, peoples from the Indonesian 
archipelago migrated along the coast of south Asia, across the 
Arabian Peninsula into the east coast of Africa and, finally, 
across the Mozambique Channel into present-day Madagascar. 
This movement occurred over several generations and, 
because of the gradual interaction between Asian and African 
populations, led to the arrival and eventual implantation of a 
distinct Malagasy people and culture. A second theory empha- 
sizes the diversity of the peoples inhabiting Madagascar. Simply 
put, proponents argue that the Malagasy resulted from a series 
of migrations by different peoples over time. According to this 
theory, migrants from the Indonesian archipelago arrived first 
and eventually settled in the central highlands, followed by the 
arrival of African peoples as a result of normal migrational 
trends and the rise of the slave trade. Recent scholarship has 
suggested that perhaps the theories are complementary, with 
greater emphasis being placed on the first. 

Scholars traditionally have described Madagascar as being 
divided into eighteen or twenty ethnic groups, each with its 
own distinct territory; political developments in the contempo- 
rary period are often described in terms of ethnic conflict. Yet 
ethnicity is potentially misleading in the Malagasy context 
because it connotes a more or less self-sufficient and unique 



31 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

cultural, socioeconomic, and historically united group that per- 
ceives itself as being different from other groups. 

The population of Madagascar, however, is remarkably 
homogeneous in terms of language. Unlike most African coun- 
tries, the vast majority speak the indigenous national Malagasy 
language. Moreover, despite significant variations, important 
cultural elements unify the Malagasy people and give them a 
"pan-islandic" identity. These include a system of kinship in 
which descent can be traced through either the paternal or the 
maternal line. The same kinship terms are used by all Malagasy. 
A second important element is the centrality of respect for the 
dead (razana) to the social, moral, and religious life of the peo- 
ple. Tombs and the ceremonies related to them are prominent 
features of both the Malagasy landscape and the way of life of 
the people. A third important feature is the division of Mala- 
gasy societies into three relatively rigid strata: nobles, common- 
ers, and slaves (or descendants of slaves). Other common 
elements include the circumcision of children, the practice of 
astrology and divination, and certain concepts associated with 
authority, such as hasina (sacred, or life-giving, power), which 
legitimate the position of political and familial authorities. 

Another potentially valuable method of analyzing Malagasy 
society is to differentiate between the so-called cotiers, or peo- 
ples living in coastal areas, and those who live in the central 
highlands. Indeed, scholars have noted in recent years that the 
salience of ethnic group identity has declined, while the divi- 
sion between the central highlands peoples and the cotiers con- 
tinues to be of great importance in understanding social and 
political competition. Although many observers equate the 
term central highlander with the Merina ethnic group (once 
again suggesting the importance of ethnicity), it is important 
to note that the Betsileo people also live within this region, and 
the Merina themselves have settled in other regions of the 
country. Equally important, many cotiers do not live anywhere 
near the coast. In this sense, the central highlands/ cotier split is 
best understood as the historical outcome of the domination of 
the Merina empire, the original center of which was Imerina 
(around the city of Antananarivo) and was located in the cen- 
tral highlands. 

A true understanding of the character of Madagascar's pop- 
ulation and historical development requires an appreciation of 
the inhabitants' shared characteristics, including language and 
kinship structure, as well as the central highlands/ cotier split 



32 



Royal tombs of kings and queens of Madagascar on Royal Hill; 

audience hall in background 
Courtesy Brian Kensley 

and other divisions based on geographical regions. These latter 
divisions coincide with the major geographical divisions of the 
island: east coast, west coast, central highlands, southwest, and 
the Tsaratanana Massif. Within these regions, the people have 
certain cultural similarities accentuated by the natural environ- 
ment. 

Peoples of the East Coast 

The Betsimisaraka constitute the second largest (14.9 per- 
cent) group of Madagascar's population and clearly are the 
most numerous on the east coast. They are divided into three 
subgroups: the northern Betsimisaraka, the Betanimena, and 
the southern Betsimisaraka. Their territory extends along the 
coast in a narrow band from the Bemarivo River in the north to 
the Mananjary River in the south, a distance of some 640 kilo- 



33 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

meters. The Betsimisaraka, whose name means "numerous and 
inseparable," have traditionally been traders, seafarers, and 
fishers, as well as cultivators of the tropical lowland areas. They 
trace their origins to the confederacy established by Ratsimi- 
laho, allegedly the son of a British pirate and a Malagasy prin- 
cess, who unified several small coastal states in the eighteenth 
century. The confederation continued after Ratsimilaho died 
in 1751, but it was much weakened by internal conflict and 
external pressure. The Betsimisaraka territory has included the 
important port city of Toamasina, as well as Fenerive and 
Maroansetra at the head of the Baie d'Antongil. 

South of the Betsimisaraka are ethnic groups who trace 
their origins to Islamic traders of mixed Arab, African, and 
Malayo-Indonesian origin who settled on the coasts after the 
fourteenth century, and are known as Antalaotra ("people of 
the sea"). The Antambahoaka, whose name is translated as "the 
people," make up 0.4 percent of the population and live 
around the Mananjary River just south of the Betsimisaraka ter- 
ritory. They claim as their ancestor Raminia, a king who came 
from Mecca around the early fourteenth century, and are part 
of a larger group known as the Zafi-Raminia, or "descendants 
of Raminia"; some of this group migrated from the Mananjary 
region to become rulers of peoples to the south. Some scholars 
have speculated that the Zafi-Raminia may have formed part of 
the ruling class of the Merina, who came to dominate Madagas- 
car in the nineteenth century. Their power and prestige 
derived from their willingness to use their knowledge of astrol- 
ogy, medicine, and divination to serve the courts of kings 
throughout Madagascar. 

Another people descended from the Antalaotra, the 
Antaimoro ("people of the shore") constitute 3.4 percent of 
the population and also live south of the Betsimisaraka. The 
Antaimoro were apparently the last significant arrivals, appear- 
ing around the end of the fifteenth century, possibly from the 
Arabian Peninsula with a sojourn in Ethiopia or Somalia, just 
before the coming of the Europeans in the sixteenth century. 
They are the only Malagasy people before the nineteenth cen- 
tury to possess a system of writing, based on Arabic script. 
Their books, the sorabe (from the Arabic sura, meaning "writ- 
ing," and the Malagasy be, meaning "big" or "great"), which 
were inscribed in ink on special paper made from beaten wood 
bark, dealt with astrology, divination, medicine, and historical 
chronicles. Like the Antambahoaka, the Antaimoro are noted 



34 



Madagascar 



throughout Madagascar for their knowledge of the supernatu- 
ral and medicine. 

Among a number of other groups around Farafangana, at 
the southern end of the Canal des Pangalanes, the most impor- 
tant are the Antaifasy ("people of the sands"), who constitute 
1.2 percent of the population. To the south, the Antaisaka (5.3 
percent of the population) are found in large numbers around 
the alluvial valley of the Mananara River. The Antanosy ("peo- 
ple of the island"), who live in the extreme southeastern part 
of the island around Tolanaro, make up 2.3 percent of the pop- 
ulation. 

The peoples of the eastern escarpment separating the east 
coast from the central highlands are the Sihanaka ("people of 
the lake"), who represent 2.4 percent of the population; the 
Bezanozano (0.8 percent), living south of the Sihanaka; and 
the Tanala (3.8 percent). The Sihanaka live around Lake 
Alaotra and practice wet-rice cultivation in a manner similar to 
that of the Merina. The Bezanozano ("many little braids," refer- 
ring to their hair style), the Tanala ("people of the forest"), and 
the inland Betsimisaraka practice slash-and-burn agriculture in 
the forests, cultivating dry rice, corn, yams, and other crops. 
Although the Merina conquered the Sihanaka, the Bezano- 
zano, and the inland Betsimisaraka in the early nineteenth cen- 
tury, the southern Tanala remained independent up to the 
French occupation. 

Peoples of the West Coast 

The peoples of the west coast, known as the Sakalava ("peo- 
ple of the long valley"), constitute 6.2 percent of the popula- 
tion. Their large territory of some 128,000 square kilometers 
extends in a broad band up the coast from the Onilahy River in 
the south to Nosy-Be in the north. The Sakalava were among 
the most dynamic and expansionist of the Malagasy peoples 
from the sixteenth to the early nineteenth centuries, when the 
Merina conquered them. During this period, Sakalava territory 
was divided into a number of kingdoms ruled by branches of 
the royal Maroserana clan. In the early eighteenth century, the 
kings of Menabe in the south and Boina in the north united 
these divisions into confederations. 

The Sakalava, along with the Bara people of the southwest, 
are considered the most "African" of the Malagasy peoples. 
Specifically, several elements in Sakalava culture bear a strong 
resemblance to those of Africa, including the keeping of relics 



35 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countnes 

(such as pieces of bone ) considered to have magical powers 
and the practice of spirit possession, in which a medium trans- 
mits the wishes of dead kings to the living. The Sakalava are 
also a pastoral people, and those who live in the hinterland 
keep large herds of zebu cattle that outnumber the human 
population. 

The Sakalava are perhaps best known for the seafaring skills 
thev developed throughout historv. In the seventeenth century, 
they were potentially the first to receive firearms from Europe- 
ans in exchange for cattle and slaves and. thus, were in a posi- 
tion to force many of the other peoples of the island to pav 
them tribute. During the late eighteenth and earlv nineteenth 
centuries, large fleets of Sakalava outrigger canoes went on sea- 
sonal raids to capture slaves in the Comoro Islands and on the 
East .African coast, causing much devastation. Thev also sought 
slaves in the central highlands of Madagascar. Because of the 
Merina conquest and subsequent French occupation at the 
end of the century. Sakalava fortunes declined somewhat Thev 
have not increased in number as rapidly as many of the other 
Malagasy peoples, and their territories, still the largest of all the 
ethnic groups, have been encroached upon, particularly by the 
Tsimihetv people to the east. A people known as the Makoa. 
the descendants of slaves brought from Africa bv slave raiders, 
also live along the northwest coast and constitute about 1,1 per- 
cent of the population. 

Peop les of th e Cen tra I High la nds 

The Merina. whose name means "those from the country 
where one can see far" (an eloquent vet important reference to 
their control of the central highlands) are not onlv the most 
numerous of the Malagasy peoples, representing more than 
one-quarter of the total population (26.2 percent), but since 
the earlv nineteenth centurv have been the most organized in 
terms of social, economic, and political structure. During the 
nineteenth centurv. the Merina almost succeeded in unifying 
the entire island under a centralized administration. Although 
their influence declined somewhat during the French colonial 
period, especially after the unsuccessful Revolt of 1947. thev 
are heavilv represented among the country's socioeconomic 
and political elite. Merina territory originally consisted onlv of 
the lands encircling the current capital of Antananarivo, but as 
thev expanded in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it 
came to include most of the northern central highlands, now 



36 



Madagascar 



the province of Antananarivo. Many Merina have settled in 
other parts of the island as government officials, professionals, 
and traders, and all the major cities have sizable Merina popu- 
lations. 

The Merina are considered the most "Asian" of the Mala- 
gasy ethnic groups in terms of their physical characteristics and 
culture. Having relatively light complexions and straight black 
hair, as well as a way of life based on wet-rice cultivation, they 
are strongly reminiscent of the peoples of Southeast Asia. It has 
been suggested that the ancestors of the Merina may have pre- 
served their Malayo-Indonesian characteristics through the 
practice of endogamy or intermarriage. Such a practice would 
have discouraged their marrying with African peoples even 
during their hypothesized sojourn on the East African coast, 
which may have lasted centuries. The plausibility of this thesis 
is supported by the fact that the Merina continue to practice 
endogamy, although it is also plausible that Merina ancestors 
may simply have migrated directly to Madagascar without set- 
tling first in Africa. The Merina are sensitive to physical differ- 
ences and distinguish between people who are fotsy (white), 
with relatively light complexions and descended from the free- 
born of the nineteenth-century Merina kingdom, and those 
who are mainly (black), descendants of slaves or captives from 
other parts of the island who are described as being more "Afri- 
can" in physical appearance. Fotsy and mainty are not always 
clearly distinguishable, even to the Merina themselves, but this 
racial distinction nonetheless divides Merina society into two 
distinct groups and contributes to its highly unequal nature. 

The Betsileo, who constitute 12.1 percent of the population 
and live in the central highlands south of the Merina in a 
region of about 40,000 square kilometers, have a culture simi- 
lar to that of their northern neighbors. They are reputedly the 
best farmers in Madagascar, building rice terraces on the slopes 
of steep hills similar to those of Indonesia or the Philippines. 
They were united in the late eighteenth century by King 
Andriamanalimbetany of Isandra, one of the four Betsileo 
royal principalities, but were incorporated into the Merina 
kingdom in 1830. The Betsileo share something of the privi- 
leged position of the Merina, constituting a significant portion 
of Madagascar's official, professional, and skilled artisan 
classes. 

South of the Betsileo live the Bara (3.3 percent of the popu- 
lation), who are divided into five clans in the dry regions at the 



37 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

southern end of the central highlands. They keep large herds 
of zebu cattle and are the most pastoral people in Madagascar; 
they also have a reputation of being valiant warriors. 

The Tsimihety (7.3 percent of the population), whose lands 
are located north of Imerina, illustrate rather strikingly the 
birth and development of a Malagasy people. Their name, 
"those who do not cut their hair," refers to the refusal of their 
forebears in the early eighteenth century to submit to the Saka- 
lava custom of cutting their hair when the king died; rather, 
they migrated to the unsettled north-central region of the 
island. The Tsimihety are noted for the rapid expansion of 
their population and for their penchant for migration, expand- 
ing the boundaries of their territory and encroaching on the 
lands of neighboring peoples. Primarily raisers of cattle, they 
are divided into a large number of traditional clans with little 
political organization. They are described as the individualists 
of the island, desiring to live a life free of government control 
in the unsettled hinterlands. 

Peoples of the Tsaratanana Massif and the Southwest 

The Antakarana, living on the Tsaratanana Massif and the 
northern tip of the island, make up 0.6 percent of the popula- 
tion. The topography of the region isolates them from the 
other Malagasy peoples. They are both cattle herders and trop- 
ical horticulturalists. 

The major peoples of the arid southwest region are the 
Mahafaly and the Antandroy, making up 1.6 and 5.4 percent of 
the population, respectively. The Mahafaly occupy a region 
between the Onilahy River to the north and the Menarandra 
River to the south, encompassing an area of some 45,000 
square kilometers. The Antandroy territory lies to the east, a 
desert area full of cacti and thorn bushes. Its terrain makes 
their name, translated as "people of the thorns," especially apt. 
Both peoples depend upon the raising of cattle. Limited culti- 
vation is also practiced. The Antandroy region is especially 
poor, causing workers to migrate to other parts of the island to 
make a living. Along with cattle, the prickly pear cactus is vital 
to the people's livelihood. Its spiny growths have served as a 
source of water and nourishment and as a means of defense 
against outside invaders. 

Minorities 

Madagascar is also inhabited by nonindigenous minorities 
who constitute roughly 1.7 percent of the population. Because 



38 



Madagascar 



of the status of France as the former colonial power, Madagas- 
car is home to many former French colonial administrators 
and military officers. The country is also home to French pro- 
fessionals, businesspersons, managers of large plantations, and 
colons (small farmers) working their own holdings. Approxi- 
mately 18,000 French citizens lived and worked in Madagascar 
in the early 1990s. 

The Comorans (currently numbering 25,000) historically 
have constituted a second important nonindigenous popula- 
tion group, but their numbers decreased after racial riots in 
Mahajanga in December 1976 resulted in nearly 1,400 killed; in 
addition, some 20,000 were repatriated to the islands in the 
ensuing months. They have been concentrated in the northern 
part of Madagascar, along the coast, and prior to 1976 formed 
more than one-tenth of the populations of the port cities of 
Mahajanga and Antsiranana. Most of the Comorans, who 
adhere to the Muslim faith, have migrated from the island of 
Njazidja (Grande Comore); they typically work as unskilled 
laborers in the fields or on the docks of the ports. 

Indo-Pakistanis (roughly numbering 17,000) represent a 
third nonindigenous minority group, and trace their origins to 
the regions of Gujerat or Bombay on the Indian subcontinent. 
Like the Comorans, they are for the most part Muslim. Despite 
living on the island for several generations (or even several 
centuries), the Indo-Pakistanis still maintain contact with their 
home areas in northwestern India and Pakistan. Historically, 
they have worked as merchants and small entrepreneurs and in 
the past have monopolized the wholesale and retail trade in 
textiles. They tend to be concentrated in the cities along the 
west coast. 

The Chinese (numbering approximately 9,000) constitute a 
fourth major nonindigenous population group. Like the Indo- 
Pakistanis, they are engaged primarily in commerce but are 
found mostly along the east coast and around Antananarivo. 
They are more commonly found in the rural areas than the 
Indo-Pakistanis. They work as small traders and often marry 
Malagasy. 

Language 

The Malagasy language — spoken throughout Madagascar by 
the entire population — is the only one in the African region 
that belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian language family. Lin- 
guists believe that it shares a common origin with, and is most 



39 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

closely related to Maanyan, a language spoken in southeast 
Borneo. Both Malagasy and Maanyan bear a close affinity with 
the languages of the western Indonesian archipelago, such as 
Malay, Javanese, Balinese, and the Minangkabau language of 
Sumatra. 

The origins of the Malagasy language in southeast Asia are 
clearly demonstrated by common words and meanings shared 
with several of the Indonesian languages. For example, the 
Malagasy term antalaotra (people of the sea) echoes the Malay 
laut (sea). Even more geographically widespread and interest- 
ing affinities have been discovered. Vahiny means "stranger" in 
Malagasy, while vahini means "girl" in Tahitian Polynesian. 
Scholars suggest that the two words (assuming they share a 
common origin) reveal that the first Malayo-Indonesian settlers 
along the African coast, or Madagascar itself, were male and 
that women came later as guests or strangers to settlements 
already established. 

Although different regional dialects of Malagasy exist, these 
are mutually intelligible, and the language is a significant basis 
of cultural unity. Words are formed from roots with basic mean- 
ings, which are combined with prefixes or suffixes to create 
derivatives. Many Malagasy words, particularly names (such as 
that of the Merina king, Andrianampoinimerina) , are very 
long, but certain syllables, particularly the last, are lightly 
accented or not at all. 

A number of foreign words are found in the Malagasy vocab- 
ulary. The names of the days of the week and the months of the 
year are taken from Arabic, and the names of animals are taken 
from a Swahili dialect of East Africa. A number of English and 
French words also entered the language in the nineteenth and 
twentieth centuries. 

Before the nineteenth century, the only Malagasy people 
with a written language were the Antaimoro, keepers of the sor- 
abe. By 1824-25, a written form of Malagasy using Roman char- 
acters was developed by members of the London Missionary 
Society working under the patronage of Merina King Radama 
I. The result was an almost perfectly consistent phonetic lan- 
guage that continues to be used throughout the country; the 
consonants are pronounced as in English and the vowels as in 
French, a compromise apparently promoted by Radama I. The 
completion of the alphabet enabled the missionaries to publish 
a Malagasy Bible and other books for their schools, and the 



40 



Madagascar 



possession of a written language was to prove decisive to the 
development of the Merina-dominated portion of Madagascar. 

The colonial period witnessed the emergence of French as 
the dominant language of the island, and Malagasy was rele- 
gated to an inferior position, particularly in official and aca- 
demic circles. Although the First Republic adopted an official 
policy of bilingualism (French and Malagasy) , French contin- 
ued to dominate until the inauguration of Ratsiraka and his 
promulgation of an official policy of Malagachization. Origi- 
nally conceived by nationalists as the promotion of education 
in the national language, Malagachization also ultimately 
included the more radical denunciation of French culture and 
influence over the national economy and political system. Mal- 
agachization further entailed the creation of a common Mala- 
gasy language that partook of dialects from all the regions and 
peoples of the island rather than being primarily a Merina dia- 
lect, as remains the case with official Malagasy today. After 1982 
the drive toward Malagachization increasingly faltered in favor 
of a continuing trend toward reembracing the concept of 
Madagascar's inclusion in the international francophone com- 
munity. Indeed, French remains important, largely because of 
its international status and the fact that most of the leadership 
has been educated in French. Both Malagasy and French are 
used in official government publications. 

Traditional Beliefs and Religion 

A firm belief in the existence of close ties between the living 
and the dead constitutes the most basic of all traditional beliefs 
and the foundation for Malagasy religious and social values. All 
the Malagasy peoples have traditionally accepted the existence 
of a supreme God, known commonly as Zanahary (Creator) or 
Andriamanitra (Sweet, or Fragrant, Lord). The dead have been 
conceived as playing the role of intermediary between this 
supreme God and humankind and are viewed as having the 
power to affect the fortunes of the living for good or evil. The 
dead are sometimes described as "gods on earth," who are con- 
sidered the most important and authoritative members of the 
family, intimately involved in the daily life of the living mem- 
bers. At the same time, the razana (best defined as "ancestors") 
are the sources from which the life force flows and the creators 
of Malagasy customs and ways of life.The living are merely tem- 
porary extensions of the dead. Great hardship or trouble can 
result if the dead are offended or neglected. 



41 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

The burial tomb, a prominent part of the island landscape 
in all regions, is the primary link between the living and the 
dead among the Malagasy. It is built with great care and 
expense, reflecting the privileged position of the dead, and is 
often more costly and substantial than the houses of the living. 
The land upon which a family tomb is situated — tanindrazana 
(land of the ancestors) — is inalienable, and social and eco- 
nomic practices are designed to guarantee that tomb lands are 
kept within the family. Anthropologists have described the 
Merina as living, in effect, in two localities: the place where one 
happens to work and keep one's household, and the tanindra- 
zana, a locality of much deeper sentimental significance, the 
spiritual center where the family tomb is located. The two are 
usually separated by a considerable distance. Among some 
groups, whether one decides to be buried in the tombs of the 
father's or mother's family determines individual descent- 
group allegiance. 

The tombs of the various peoples around the island differ 
somewhat in form. Merina tombs tend to be solid, stone struc- 
tures, built partially underground, with a chamber in which the 
bodies of ancestors are kept on shelves, wrapped in silk 
shrouds. The traditional tombs of the Mahafaly in the south- 
west were built of stone but surmounted by intricately carved 
wooden posts depicting human and animal figures. More 
recent Mahafaly tombs, particularly those built by rich families, 
are often made of concrete, with glass windows, brightly 
painted designs and often remarkable depictions of airplanes, 
taxicabs, or other modern paraphernalia mounted on the roof. 
At one time, it was the custom of the Sakalava people living 
around the Morondava River on the west coast to decorate 
their tombs with carvings showing explicit sexual activity. These 
were meant to illustrate the life-giving force, or fertility, of the 
ancestors. 

Among the Merina and Betsileo peoples of the central high- 
lands, the custom of famadihana ("placing" or the "turning" of 
the dead) reaffirms the link between the living and the dead. 
This occurs when a person is taken from a temporary to a per- 
manent tomb in the tanindrazana, and the remains are taken 
out of the tomb to be wrapped in new shrouds, or when a body 
is moved from one tomb to another. These ceremonies are 
costly, mainly because of the expense of providing food for a 
large number of relatives and guests. They represent for the 
peoples of the central highlands a time of communion with the 



42 




Madagascar's capital, Antananarivo 
Courtesy J.D. von Pischke 

razana and a means of avoiding or reducing guilt or blame. It is 
considered a serious transgression not to hold a famadihana 
when one is financially able to do so. The ceremony is presided 
over by an astrologer, but the chief participants are the close 
relatives of those persons whose remains are being moved or 
rewrapped. In this regard, the famadihana resembles in spirit a 
family reunion or the more austere ancestral ceremonies of 
China and Korea, where the spirits of ancestors are invited to a 
feast given by members of a family or lineage, rather than the 
funerals of the West, which are "final endings." 

Although the famadihana does not occur outside the central 
highlands and the attitudes of the Merina and Betsileo toward 
the dead differ in certain significant respects, the idea of the 
dead as beings to be respected is universal in Madagascar. A 
number of different "souls" are recognized by the Malagasy. 
Among the Merina, these include the fanahy, a kind of essence 



43 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

which determines individual character and behavior; thus, an 
individual can have a good or a bad fanahy. Another is the soul 
of the person after death, the ambiroa, which is called to the 
tomb for the celebration of the famadihana, but which, over 
time, is believed to blend with the collective spirit of other 
ancestors. The ambiroa is believed to permeate the tomb build- 
ing, the family household, and the hills and valleys of the tanin- 
drazana, being in a sense omnipresent. Other concepts include 
the soul of a recently deceased person, the lolo, which is said to 
be harmless but feels homesick for its old surroundings and 
often appears in the form of a moth or a butterfly. The angatra, 
ghosts of the unknown dead, are often malevolent and frighten 
people at night. The emphases in the minds of the people, 
however, are not on the afterlife or on the experiences of the 
dead souls either as ghosts or in heaven or hell, but on the rela- 
tionship of the dead with the living and the role of the former 
as bearers of power and authority. 

The ombiasy and the mpanandro combine the functions of 
diviners, traditional healers, and astrologers. They originated 
among the Antaimoro and the Antambahoaka of the southwest 
coast, who were influenced by the Antalaotra. Among the 
Antandroy, it is the ombiasy who are often asked to eradicate a 
mistake made by neglecting a taboo. The Bara consult the ombi- 
asy to look after the sick and dying. Family heads ask them 
when to begin certain agricultural tasks or when to marry or 
circumcise those entering adulthood. Merina families have 
their personal diviners who consult the stars; their advice is 
requested on all enterprises that are thought to involve dan- 
gers. They are paid a regular salary and additional fees for 
extra services. They set the auspicious day for a famadihana. 
Even a highly educated Merina would not think of building a 
house without consulting the ombiasy or the mpanandro for the 
favorable day to begin work. When a marriage is contemplated, 
both sets of parents will ask the ombiasy and the mpanandro 
whether the partners will be compatible. 

The science of the ombiasy and the mpanandro is tied to the 
concept of vintana, which means fate ordained by the position 
of moon, sun, and stars. Accordingly, different values and dif- 
ferent forces, either active or passive, are attributed to each 
fraction of time. Space, too, is thought to be affected by these 
forces, east being superior to west, and north being superior to 
south. Northeast therefore is believed to be the most favorable 
direction. People build their houses on the north-south axis 



44 



Madagascar 



and reserve the northeastern corner for prayers. Guests are 
seated on the northern side, and chickens are kept in the 
southwestern corner. 

Fate is impersonal and cannot be changed, but certain 
aspects can be foretold and avoided. For divination the ombiasy 
use a system of Arabic origin in which fruit seeds or grains of 
corn are put into rows of eight. Various figure combinations 
indicate the future and what to do regarding sickness, love, 
business, and other enterprises. The ombiasy also sell talismans 
made of such objects as dried or powdered vegetables, glass 
beads, or animal teeth. 

Fady are taboos on the use of certain substances, particularly 
foods, or on the performance, including the timing, of certain 
acts. They continue to regulate much of Malagasy life. Many 
are connected with vintana, while others express certain social 
values. For example, to deny hospitality to a stranger is fady, as 
is the act of refusing this hospitality. The concept of fady often 
also expresses a well-developed metaphorical sense. According 
to one fady, it is wrong to sit in the doorway of a house while 
the rice is sprouting, since the door of the house is compared 
to the "gateway" of birth and by blocking it, one might impede 
the "birth" of the rice. It is important to remember, however, 
that fady, particularly dietary prohibitions, vary widely among 
different ethnic groups, and from village to village within the 
same ethnic group. To be at home in a different locality, travel- 
ers must acquaint themselves with a large number of local vari- 
ations. 

Traditional beliefs are augmented by imported organized 
religions. Although exact figures on religious affiliations do 
not exist, it is estimated that approximately 55 percent of the 
total population adhere to traditional beliefs, and 40 percent 
are Christian, about evenly divided between Roman Catholics 
and Protestants, the remaining 5 percent being Muslim. 
Indeed, Protestant and Roman Catholic churches have found 
themselves competing for new adherents, most notably under- 
scored by the fact that villages in the central highlands often 
have two churches, one Protestant and one Roman Catholic, 
that face each other at opposite ends of the village. The Roman 
Catholic church enjoys its largest support among the Betsileo 
people in the southern portion of the central highlands, and is 
also associated with former slaves and the cotiers. Protestantism 
enjoys its largest support among the Merina of the central 
highlands and, therefore, historically has been perceived as the 



45 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Christian affiliation of the upper classes. Despite the minority 
status of Christians, the Council of Christian Churches in 
Madagascar played a major role in arbitrating a resolution to 
the conflict resulting from the violence and general strikes in 
May and August 1991 (see The Second Republic, 1975-92, this 
eh.). 

The nineteenth century witnessed a confrontation between 
Christianity and traditional religious beliefs, as Queen Ranava- 
lona I expelled foreign missionaries and persecuted Christians, 
putting many of them to death. The tide reversed at her death, 
and at the beginning of the reign of Ranavalona II, the old 
sampy — idols or talismans endowed with supernatural powers 
to protect the kingdom — were destroyed, and Protestantism 
became the religion of the royal family. Yet opposition has 
given way in many cases to a kind of mutual assimilation. Chris- 
tian missionaries were able to build on the Malagasy concept of 
a supreme God by using the term, "Andriamanitra," to refer to 
the biblical God and by choosing one of the traditional terms 
for soul, fanahy, to define its Christian counterpart. Although 
the supremacy of Christianity in the central highlands led to 
the demise of idol worship, Malagasy pastors have not chal- 
lenged the strength of traditional beliefs in the power and 
authority of the razana. Christians have their dead blessed at a 
church before burying them according to the old ceremonies, 
and may invite the pastor to attend a famadihana and place a 
cross on top of the tomb. Christian belief in the power of a 
transcendent and somewhat distant God has blended with 
older beliefs in the closeness and intimacy of the dead as spiri- 
tual beings. Some Malagasy Christians will even say that the 
dead have become Christians themselves and continue to be 
the arbiters of right and wrong. 

Exact figures are not available, but followers of the Sunni 
(see Glossary) and Shia (see Glossary) variants of Islam 
together constitute around 5 percent of the total population. 
Most are Comorans or Indo-Pakistanis; a small number are 
converted Malagasy. The majority are located in Mahajanga 
Province. A small minority of the Indian community practices 
Hinduism. 

Social Structure and Family 

Traditional society is hierarchical in structure. Kinship 
groups are ranked precisely along a superior/inferior contin- 
uum, and individuals within these groups are ranked according 



46 



Madagascar 



to age, descent, and gender. This pervasive ranking reflects the 
perceived power of ancestors as the source of hasina (life-giving 
power), which is distributed unequally among individuals and 
family groups. Royal or noble persons are supposed to possess a 
greater amount of hasina than others, so that their descendants 
enjoy superior social status. Within families of any rank, elders 
possess greater hasina than the young, not only by virtue of 
their maturity and experience but also because they are per- 
ceived as closer to the dead and thus share in part of their 
power. Rulers do not rule alone but share their offices in effect 
with their ancestors, who are, in fact, more powerful and influ- 
ential than the rulers themselves. Among the Sakalava, it is 
believed that the soul or spirit of a royal ancestor can take pos- 
session of a person in order to make known its commands to 
the living. 

Social values are highly conservative, demonstrating an 
awareness of hierarchy and place that permeates the daily life 
of the people. Observers have noted, for example, that in 
Merina households each member of the family is expected to 
eat a meal in turn according to age; the youngest is served last. 
Family members are seated around the table in an arrange- 
ment that reflects age-rank, the father or grandfather occupy- 
ing the "noble corner" (the northeast). Failure to honor the 
rank is considered a serious violation of fady. Children who eat 
before their elders can be severely punished. Within the vil- 
lage, the local notables and respected elders of kin groups, who 
are usually male, have preponderant influence in village 
affairs. 

The society as a whole remains divided into a number of 
unequal social groups based entirely on descent. Among the 
Merina, Madagascar's dominant ethnic group, these are 
referred to as the andriana (nobles), the hova (commoners), 
and the andevo (slaves or, more properly, the descendants of 
slaves) . The distinction between andnana and hova on the one 
hand and andevo on the other hand corresponds to the distinc- 
tion between "whites" and "blacks" in Merina society. Among 
the Sakalava, royal clans descended from the Maroserana 
occupy the highest social position, followed by noble and com- 
moner clans; the descendants of slaves again occupy the lowest 
status. Noble and commoner clans possess histories that define 
their relations to the king and their different social roles. The 
social hierarchy of the Malagasy people, however, is actually far 
more differentiated than this system might suggest, because 



47 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

within each "caste" constituent clans or kin groups are also 
arranged in a precise hierarchy of superior and inferior that is 
well known to all individuals. 

Among the Merina, the Malagasy people most thoroughly 
studied by anthropologists, the population is divided into a 
number of karazana (large kin groups) that are defined in 
terms of the common land upon which the family tomb is 
located. They are hierarchically ranked and usually named 
after a single ancestor. Members of the same karazana are 
described as being "of one womb." The general practice is for 
individuals to marry within the karazana or even within the 
same subunit to which they belong. Although endogamy car- 
ries with it the taint of incest, intermarriage is preferred 
because, in this way, land (especially tomb land) can be kept 
within the kin unit rather than being inherited by outsiders. 
Preserving the boundaries of the kinship unit through inter- 
marriage preserves the integrity of the all-important link 
between the living and the dead. 

Below the level of the karazana, the Merina are divided into 
fianakaviana (family), which includes close relatives by blood 
and affiliation. The family is less defined by territory than by its 
role as the locus of feelings of loyalty and affection. Members 
of the same fianakaviana are Havana (relatives) but with a 
strong emotional connotation. The ideal of fihavanana (amity, 
solidarity) is that Havana should love and trust one another, 
rendering mutual aid and sharing each other's possessions. 
When a man moves to new lands, his relatives will often come 
after him to claim parcels of land to cultivate. Persons who are 
not Havana are often considered untrustworthy. However, Ac- 
tive kinship, described as "those who are kin because they are 
loved," is a widespread Malagasy institution drawing individuals 
into an intermediate status between strangers and kin. This sys- 
tem can be very useful in daily life, particularly outside the tan- 
indrazana. 

Descent among the Merina is neither strictly patrilineal nor 
matrilineal. Instead, the practice of endogamy enables the two 
families involved in a marriage to define the situation as one in 
which they each receive a new child. The husband and wife are 
equally deferential to both sets of in-laws. Although women 
have occupied social roles inferior to those of men in tradi- 
tional society, they are not completely subject to the will of 
their husbands or parents-in-law, as has been the case in strictly 
patrilineal societies. 



48 



Madagascar 



There is some choice of which tomb group an individual 
will join and, thus, in which tomb he or she will be buried. 
Tomb groups consist of closely related fianakaviana members 
who own and maintain a tomb in common. The heads of tomb 
groups are local notables or government officials, and each 
member contributes to the tomb's upkeep, often a heavy finan- 
cial burden because the tomb buildings are large and in fre- 
quent need of repair. New tombs are built, and new tomb 
groups are formed with the passing of generations. Both social 
identity and relationship with the dead are determined by 
one's tomb group. The most unfortunate persons are those 
who, because they are strangers or because of some other dis- 
qualification, cannot be interred within a tomb. 

The difference between former free persons and former 
slaves remains particularly significant, despite the formal aboli- 
tion of slavery by the French in 1897. Persons of slave origin 
are generally poorer than other Merina and are expected to 
perform the most menial tasks and to be particularly deferen- 
tial to others. One observer noticed among the Betsileo in a 
rural household that during a meal to which a number of men 
had been invited, two persons of slave origin had to use a com- 
mon plate, while free persons had their own plates. Former 
slaves are also often stereotypically described as rude, uncul- 
tured, and ugly. Marriages between persons of slave origin and 
other Merina are rare. When they do occur, the offspring are 
considered part of the slave group and are denied a place in 
the tomb of the free parent's family. In fact, the parent of the 
offspring may also be denied entrance. Former slaves do not 
possess links to a tanindrazana and, thus, are apt to be more 
mobile than the descendants of free persons, because migra- 
tion offers the possibility of escaping from the stigma of slave 
descent. It is estimated that as much as 50 percent of the popu- 
lation of Imerina is of slave origin, whereas the percentage for 
the Betsileo territory is much lower. 

Although the Merina social and kinship pattern is to a great 
degree common to all the peoples of Madagascar, there are 
important variations based in part on different histories and on 
ecological variations between the rice-growing and pastoral 
regions of the country. The pastoral Bara and the Tsimihety, 
who are agriculturalists but place great cultural and sentimen- 
tal significance on herds of zebu, base descent and inheritance 
on patrilineality more strictly than the Merina. 



49 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 
Education 

In traditional Madagascar, education was not seen as sepa- 
rate from the other spheres of life. It emphasized the impor- 
tance of maintaining one's place in a hierarchical society, 
trained people in the proper observance of ritual and innu- 
merable fady prohibitions, and, above all, taught respect for 
ancestors. Formal education in the modern sense first 
appeared when the missionary David Jones of the London Mis- 
sionary Society established a school in Antananarivo in 1820. It 
was sponsored by King Radama I, and Jones's first students 
were children of the royal family. Literacy spread as a result of 
the schools the Imerina missionaries built; in 1835 an esti- 
mated 15,000 persons knew how to read and write the new Mal- 
agasy language. Despite significant retrenchment during the 
reign of Queen Ranavalona I, the missionary school system, 
including both Protestant and Roman Catholic institutions, 
continued to grow. 

During the colonial period, the French established a system 
of public schools that was divided into two parts: elite schools, 
modeled after those of France and reserved for the children of 
French citizens (a status few Malagasy enjoyed); and indige- 
nous schools for the Malagasy, which offered practical and 
vocational education but were not designed to train students 
for positions of leadership or responsibility. Middle-grade Mala- 
gasy civil servants and functionaries were trained at the ecoles 
regionales (regional schools) , the most important of which was 
the Ecole le Myre de Villers in Antananarivo. Reforms of the 
public school system designed to give the Malagasy more edu- 
cational opportunities were initiated after World War II. At 
independence in 1960, the country had a system of education 
almost identical to that of France. 

Education is compulsory for children between the ages of 
six and fourteen. The current education system provides pri- 
mary schooling for five years, from ages six to eleven. Second- 
ary education lasts for seven years and is divided into two parts: 
a junior secondary level of four years from ages twelve to fif- 
teen, and a senior secondary level of three years from ages six- 
teen to eighteen. At the end of the junior level, graduates 
receive a certificate, and at the end of the senior level, gradu- 
ates receive the baccalaureat (the equivalent of a high-school 
diploma). A vocational secondary school system, the college pro- 
fessional (professional college), is the equivalent of the junior 
secondary level; the college technique (technical college), which 



50 



Madagascar 



awards the baccalaureat technique (technical diploma), is the 
equivalent of the senior level. 

The University of Madagascar, established as an Institute for 
Advanced Studies in 1955 in Antananarivo and renamed in 
1961, is the main institute of higher education. It maintains six 
separate, independent branches in Antananarivo, Antsiranana, 
Fianarantsoa, Toamasina, Toliara, and Mahajanga. (Prior to 
1988, the latter five institutions were provincial extensions of 
the main university in Antananarivo.) The university system 
consists of several faculties, including law and economics, sci- 
ences, and letters and human sciences, and numerous schools 
that specialize in public administration, management, medi- 
cine, social welfare, public works, and agronomy. Official 
reports have criticized the excessive number of students at the 
six universities: a total of 40,000 in 1994, whereas the collective 
capacity is 26,000. Reform measures are underway to improve 
the success rate of students — only 10 percent complete their 
programs, and the average number of years required to obtain 
a given degree is eight to ten compared with five years for Afri- 
can countries. The baccalaureat is required for admission to the 
university. Madagascar also has teacher-training colleges. 

The gradual expansion of educational opportunities has 
had an impressive impact on Malagasy society, most notably in 
raising the literacy level of the general population. Only 39 per- 
cent of the population could be considered literate in 1966, 
but the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) estimated 
that this number had risen to 50 percent at the beginning of 
the 1980s and to 80 percent in 1991. Similarly, primary school 
enrollment is nearly universal, a significant increase from the 
lower figure of 65 percent enrollment in 1965 (Madagascar 
had 13,000 public primary schools in 1994); 36 percent of the 
relevant school-age population attends secondary school 
(there were 700 general education secondary schools and 
eighty lycees or classical secondary institutions) ; and 5 percent 
of the relevant school-age population attends institutions of 
higher learning. Despite these statistics, a 1993 UNICEF report 
considers the education system a "failure," pointing out that in 
contrast to the early 1980s when education represented 
approximately 33 percent of the national budget, in 1993 edu- 
cation constituted less than 20 percent of the budget, and 95 
percent of this amount was devoted to salaries. The average 
number of years required for a student to complete primary 



51 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

school is twelve. Girls have equal access with boys to educa- 
tional institutions. 

The national education system often has been at the center 
of political debate. As is the case throughout Africa, educa- 
tional credentials provide one of the few opportunities to 
obtain employment in a country with a limited private sector, 
and the distribution of educational resources has continued to 
be an issue with explosive political ramifications. 

Historically, the system has been characterized by an 
unequal distribution of education resources among the differ- 
ent regions of the country. Because the central highlands had a 
long history of formal education beginning in the early nine- 
teenth century, this region had more schools and higher edu- 
cational standards than the coastal regions. The disparity 
continued to be a major divisive factor in national life in the 
years following independence. The Merina and the Betsileo 
peoples, having better access to schools, inevitably tended to be 
overrepresented in administration and the professions, both 
under French colonialism and after independence in 1960. 

Adding to these geographical inequities is the continued 
lack of educational opportunities for the poorest sectors of 
society. For example, the riots that led to the fall of the Tsir- 
anana regime in 1972 were initiated by students protesting offi- 
cial education and language policies, including a decision to 
revoke the newly established competitive examination system 
that would have allowed access to public secondary schools on 
the basis of merit rather than the ability to pay. Yet when the 
Ratsiraka regime attempted in 1978 to correct historical ine- 
qualities and make standards for the baccalaureat lower in the 
disadvantaged provinces outside the capital region, Merina stu- 
dents led riots against what they perceived as an inherently 
unfair preferential treatment policy. 

The lack of access is compounded by an education system 
that still rewards those who are the most proficient in the 
French language, despite the fact that the country is officially 
bilingual. As of 1994, it was estimated that only between 20,000 
and 30,000 citizens could be considered truly fluent in the 
French language and that another 2 million citizens have 
received, at best, a passive high school-level competence in the 
language. The vast majority (8 to 9 million) speak only Mala- 
gasy and, therefore, potentially find themselves at a distinct dis- 
advantage in terms of future advancement. It is at least partially 
because of shortcomings in French-language abilities that 



52 



Madagascar 



approximately 90 percent of all first-year university students are 
refused entry into the second year. 

A final challenge revolves around the growing gap between 
a declining government-sponsored public school system and 
an increasingly vibrant and growing private school system. The 
Ratsiraka regime's education policy of Malagachization 
strengthened this primarily two-tiered education system during 
the 1980s. The elite and the well-off middle class placed their 
children in private French-language schools, while the vast 
majority of the relatively poorer population had little choice 
but to enroll their children in increasingly disadvantaged pub- 
lic schools. By the 1991-92 academic year, only 5,870 students 
were enrolled in private French-sponsored grade schools and 
high schools (the most prestigious of the education system), 
while another 199,433 students were enrolled in the second 
tier of private Roman Catholic schools where teaching is also in 
French. An undetermined small number of students were 
enrolled in a third tier of private schools considered "medio- 
cre" by French-language standards, but the vast majority 
(1,534,142) found themselves competing in the public school 
system. 

Public Health 

Life expectancy at birth has gradually improved from an 
average of 37.5 years for men and 38.3 years for women in 1966 
to an average of fifty-two years for men and fifty-five years for 
women in 1990 (for a combined average of fifty-four). Malaria 
remains the most serious tropical disease, although eradication 
campaigns against mosquitoes waged since 1948 initially 
resulted in spectacular declines in incidence and a dramatic 
decrease in the island's mortality rate during a twenty-year 
period. Indeed, in some regions, especially the central high- 
lands, these campaigns were almost completely successful, 
although malaria continues to be prevalent in the coastal 
regions, especially the east coast. As prevention practices fal- 
tered during the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s, the mos- 
quito staged a comeback. The effect on a population with a 
significantly reduced resistance to malaria was devastating. For 
example, the Malagasy Ministry of Health reported 490,000 
cases and 6,200 deaths from malaria in 1985, but these figures 
rose— to 760,000 cases and 11,000 deaths— in 1987. 

As of 1994, other serious diseases included schistosomiasis, 
tuberculosis, and leprosy. The prevalence of schistosomiasis, a 



53 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

parasitic ailment that spreads primarily through the passing of 
human wastes into ponds, irrigation canals, and slow-moving 
streams, reflects the continued lack of adequate sewerage facil- 
ities, especially in the rural areas. Occasional outbreaks of 
bubonic plague occur in urban areas, the most recent of them 
in 1990. Yet Madagascar has been spared many of the diseases 
common in tropical countries, such as trypanosomiasis, chol- 
era, brucellosis, and yellow fever. 

The occurrence of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) has 
increased during the 1980s and the 1990s. It is estimated that 
287 of 100,000 inhabitants have gonorrhea, and 220 of 100,000 
have syphilis. According to data collected from 9,574 inhabit- 
ants treated for STDs in 1987, the breakdown by type of disease 
was as follows: gonorrhea (38 percent); syphilis (33 percent); 
trichomoniasis (20 percent); and candidiasis (8 percent). 
According to data compiled by the World Health Organization, 
only three cases of acquired immune deficiency syndrome 
(AIDS) were reported in the 1990-92 period, and six cases in 
1993, earning Madagascar a 0.0 "case rate" (reported cases per 
100,000 population). 

The government has committed itself to the principle that 
good health is a right of each Malagasy citizen, and has made 
significant strides in the area of health care. A number of new 
hospitals and medical centers were built in various parts of the 
country during the 1970s and the first part of the 1980s. How- 
ever, about two-thirds of the population reside at least five kilo- 
meters from a medical center, resulting in the May 1993 
finding of UNICEF that 35 percent of the population lacked 
adequate access to health services. 

Economic decline has led to a deterioration in medical ser- 
vices during the late 1980s and the early 1990s. In 1976, of the 
national budget, 9.2 percent was allocated to health care; this 
percentage dropped to 6.6 percent in 1981, 4.5 percent in 
1990, and 2 percent in 1994. For example, as of 1993, accord- 
ing to UNICEF, the country had only one physician per 17,000 
people. Important regional differences also exist. For example, 
in some provinces the ratio was as low as one physician for 
35,000 persons. For the entire island, in 1993 a total of 234 
medical centers were under the direction of one doctor, and 
the remaining 1,728 centers were under the direction of para- 
medics, midwives, nurses, health aides, or sanitarians. For those 
unable to obtain modern medical treatment, traditional medi- 



54 



Madagascar 



cine — the use of herbs or the exorcism of malicious spirits — 
remains popular. 

Additional factors contributing to health problems include 
overcrowding (in some areas five to eight persons live in a 
room fourteen meters square), contagious diseases such as the 
plague, and inadequate garbage disposal facilities. Infant mor- 
tality has risen from sixty-eight per 1,000 births in 1975 to 109 
per 1,000 in 1980 and 114 per 1,000 in 1991. Malnutrition, 
diarrheal diseases, respiratory infections, and malaria are 
major causes of infant deaths. Madagascar had a serious 
malaria epidemic in 1990 causing the death of tens of thou- 
sands; efforts are underway for annual antimalarial campaigns, 
especially in the Anjafy High Plateaux. 

The Economy 

Government Policy and Intervention 

Over the years, successive French colonial and indepen- 
dence-era governments have sought to modernize Madagas- 
car's economy. Despite such efforts, the majority of Malagasy in 
1994 continued to earn their livelihoods in ways fundamentally 
unchanged from those of their ancestors — small-scale farms 
supporting traditional irrigated rice cultivation, dryland farm- 
ing of cassava and other foods, zebu cattle herding, or the rais- 
ing of cash crops. 

The first modern land use projects were established by 
French settlers or Creole immigrants from the Mascarene 
Islands in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. They intro- 
duced cash crops such as coffee, sugarcane, vanilla, cloves, and 
sisal for export. They also built small-scale mines to exploit the 
island's graphite, chromite, and uranium resources. To facili- 
tate the processing and marketing of these commodities, the 
immigrants established a number of financial and commercial 
enterprises and built a small, modern railroad system. They 
then brought some Malagasy into this modern sector of the 
economy, either as wage laborers and sharecroppers on the for- 
eign-owned plantations, or as low-level employees in the civil 
service or business enterprises. The foreign owners and manag- 
ers, however, retained almost all of the benefits from these 
operations. 

After independence the Tsiranana regime did little to 
change the French domination of the modern sector of the 
economy, despite increasing outrage at this continued eco- 



55 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

nomic dependence. This anger, together with growing concern 
over an unequal distribution of wealth that left the southern 
and western parts of the island in relative poverty, caused the 
ouster of Tsiranana in 1972 and a shift in economic policy. The 
new military regime led by Ramanantsoa cut most ties with 
France and began to Malagachize the economy. Slow progress 
toward this goal, however, helped to precipitate the end of the 
Ramanantsoa regime in mid-1975. Only with the rise of Ratsir- 
aka to the presidency later that year did the takeover of for- 
merly French-dominated enterprises begin in earnest. 

Ratsiraka's policy of "revolution from above" went beyond 
confiscating or buying out foreign firms and turning them over 
to Malagasy ownership; he intended to socialize the economy 
by nationalizing major enterprises. The state acquired majority 
or minority ownership in nearly all large financial, transporta- 
tion, marketing, mining, and manufacturing enterprises. Firms 
left under private control were required to buy and sell at state- 
controlled prices, and the state closely monitored the repatria- 
tion of profits. In the rural sector, Ratsiraka aimed to establish 
local farming cooperatives. Almost as important as this institu- 
tional reform was the regime's intention, announced in an eco- 
nomic plan for the 1978-80 period, to increase dramatically 
the level of government capital investment in all sectors of the 
economy in order to improve the availability of goods and ser- 
vices to all. 

By the start of the 1980s, however, Ratsiraka's attempt to 
fashion viable socialist institutions and to stimulate the econ- 
omy through increased investment had failed to improve eco- 
nomic production and welfare. Economic growth throughout 
the 1970s had not kept pace with the expanding population. 
Despite the availability of significant agricultural and mineral 
resources, the economy was less productive than at the start of 
the decade when the average per capita income was already 
among the lowest in the world. The only apparent effect of the 
enhanced level of investment, which reached all-time highs in 
the 1978-80 period, was to put the country deeply in debt to 
foreign creditors and, therefore, pave the way for a series of 
structural adjustment agreements signed with the IMF and the 
World Bank during the 1980s and the early 1990s. Such agree- 
ments were necessary because as a 1993 World Bank study 
pointed out, between 1971 and 1991 the per capita income of 
Malagasy dropped 40 percent; to return to its 1971 level by 



56 



Cut-out embroidered tablecloths for sale in a village on the island 

of Nosy-Be 
Courtesy Brian Kensley 

2003, Madagascar would require a 6 percent annual growth 
rate. 

Eventually admitting that adoption of the socialist model of 
economic centralization and state control was a mistake, the 
Ratsiraka regime in 1980 initiated a return to a more classic lib- 
eral economic model that the Zafy regime wholeheartedly 
adopted following its inauguration in 1993. The post-1980 Rat- 
siraka and Zafy regimes have overseen the privatization of para- 
statals (see Glossary) , the disbanding of agricultural marketing 
boards, the ratification of more liberal investment codes favor- 
ing foreign investment, the privatization of the banking indus- 
try, diversification of traditional, primary-product exports, and 
greater investment in food production. The Zafy regime has 
made reinvigoration of the Malagasy economy its number-one 
priority. 



57 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

The major aims of the Zafy regime's agricultural policy are 
fivefold. The government seeks to make the country self-suffi- 
cient with regard to rice by expanding production through 
such measures as increased irrigation. It is also attempting to 
improve the quality of the major export crops — cloves, coffee, 
and vanilla — but to limit their quantities because of restrictions 
on world demand. The regime is trying to develop new export 
crops such as cashews, palm oil, shellfish, and soybeans and to 
diversify consumer food products through introducing rainfed 
crops such as corn and sorghum. In addition, the government 
is endeavoring to improve agricultural research and breeding 
facilities. 

Structural Adjustment 

The structural adjustment requirements of the World Bank 
and the IMF were and remain critical to understanding the lib- 
eralization policies of the Ratsiraka and Zafy regimes. In 1980 
severe balance of payments deficits led the Ratsiraka regime to 
seek the first of ten IMF standby and related agreements to be 
signed during the 1980s. The last series of agreements of the 
decade included one in 1988 using IMF trust funds and one in 
1989 that expired in 1992. Throughout the 1980s, Madagascar 
also drew four times on the IMF and received four adjustment 
loans from the World Bank for industrial rehabilitation 
(1985— US$60 million), agricultural reform (1986— US$60 
million), trade and industry adjustment (1987 — US$100 mil- 
lion), and public-sector reform (1988 — US$127 million). 

The granting of these standby and related agreements was 
linked to a coordinated set of structural adjustment require- 
ments designed to foster the liberal, export-oriented economy 
favored by the IMF and the World Bank. For example, an IMF 
standby agreement signed on July 9, 1982 to cover the 1982-83 
period released 51 million in special drawing rights (SDRs — 
see Glossary) only after the Ratsiraka regime agreed to reduce 
both the current account deficit and the budget deficit, 
devalue the Malagasy franc (FMG — for value, see Glossary), 
limit domestic credit expansion, avoid any new short- or 
medium-term foreign borrowing, and limit public-sector salary 
increases. Among the major measures required by later agree- 
ments were a ceiling on rice imports, increases in producer 
prices of rice and coffee, and a further devaluation of the Mala- 
gasy franc. Despite a reputation for reneging on commitments 



58 



Madagascar 



to reform, formerly Marxist Ratsiraka ironically became known 
as one of the IMF's "star pupils" in Africa. 

According to its agreement with the IMF, Madagascar was to 
limit its deficit to 5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP — 
see Glossary) in 1989-92. It succeeded in doing so until 1991 
when production dropped, inflation increased, and tax income 
decreased because of political disturbances. Since then the gov- 
ernment has not acted on the increased budget deficit, which 
was scheduled to be 6.2 percent of GDP in 1994, causing dissat- 
isfaction on the part of World Bank officials. 

Economic reform was stalled by the economic and political 
turmoil associated with the downfall of Ratsiraka and his 
replacement by the popularly elected Zafy regime in 1992. 
Although publicly critical of the IMF and World Bank during 
the 1993 election campaign, Zafy, who is a strong proponent of 
a liberal, free-market economy, initiated negotiations with 
these financial institutions to resume Madagascar's structural 
adjustment programs (and thereby gain access to more than 
US$1 billion in blocked development funds). However, negoti- 
ations throughout the first half of 1994 were tense as Zafy 
sought to avoid conditions that, no matter how logical from the 
macroeconomic perspective of long-term reform and develop- 
ment, would constitute political suicide. 

General principles of reform that the World Bank consid- 
ered necessary included macroeconomic stability, which 
implied moderate rates of inflation and of exchange; foreign 
trade and financial policy modifications that allowed the con- 
vertibility of the current account and liberalized import regula- 
tions; and the elimination of barriers to economic activity, such 
as eliminating obstacles to foreign investment and to participa- 
tion in the export processing zones (EPZs). The World Bank's 
reform principles also involved encouraging the private sector 
by privatizing the parastatals, as well as concentrating govern- 
ment investment on infrastructure programs and the develop- 
ment of human resources by improving education, including 
technical education, and health facilities, including family 
planning to limit population growth. Among the specific 
reforms demanded by the World Bank were the revision of the 
1994 budget, a new timetable for proposed privatization of 
parastatals, further reforms of the public sector, and the 
restructuring of terms for marketing agricultural products, 
most notably vanilla. 



59 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

The IMF echoed these demands and added several more. 
These included allowing the Malagasy franc to float freely on 
the international currency market, restructuring the National 
Bank for Rural Development, privatizing the National Bank for 
Trade Development, and forcing all banks to maintain reserves 
of 10 percent of all deposits. To avoid pressures from the World 
Bank, the government sought funds from other sources. Con- 
siderable furor developed in the spring of 1994, when it 
became known that without the knowledge of the minister of 
finance, who was supposed to authorize such transactions, or 
the prime minister, but with the agreement of president Zafy 
and the president of the National Assembly, Richard Andria- 
manjato, the governor of the Central Bank of the Malagasy 
Republic, Raoul Ravelomanana, had signed promissory notes 
to several European banks committing Madagascar to repay 
loans of US$2 million. In short, the Zafy regime must balance 
the need for international funds (and the conditions that 
accompany their disbursement) with the need to maintain 
popular support if Zafy intends to seek a second term in office. 

National Accounts and Budget 

Economists note that Madagascar's economy severely deteri- 
orated from the 1960s to the late 1980s, particularly as a result 
of the misguided economic policies of the Ratsiraka regime. 
Whereas the growth rate in the GDP rose at an average of 2.9 
percent in real terms during the 1960s, during the 1970s and 
the early 1980s this figure declined to 0.2 percent, compared 
with 2.6 percent population growth. Real GDP rebounded in 
the latter half of the 1980s, reaching a high of 4 percent in 
1989. GDP increased at 1.1 percent per year in the 1980s and at 
1 percent in 1992, but the economic output was unable to keep 
pace with population growth. This can be seen in Madagascar's 
economic ranking relative to other countries. In terms of gross 
national product (GNP — see Glossary) per capita, for example, 
the country declined from a World Bank ranking of the thirti- 
eth poorest country in the world in 1979 (GNP per capita of 
US$290) to the tenth poorest in 1991 (GNP per capita of 
US$210). 

Going beyond the traditional indicators of GDP and GNP 
per capita, however, Madagascar is doing better than might be 
thought. For example, according to the Human Development 
Report published by the United Nations Development Pro- 
gramme (UNDP) in 1993, Madagascar ranked 128th in the 



60 



Madagascar 



world (and seventeenth in Africa) in terms of "human develop- 
ment." This category represents a composite score of several 
indicators of development, such as life expectancy and literacy. 
The UNDP report further notes that, despite a slight drop in 
the early 1990s, Madagascar's human development steadily 
advanced during the decades of the 1970s and the 1980s. 

The Zafy regime tried to balance the need for economic 
growth with a desire to enhance social welfare after the turbu- 
lent transition period of the early 1990s by putting together a 
Public Investment Program for 1994—96. The priorities of the 
US$326 million budget are clearly demonstrated by the break- 
down of investments according to four broad categories: infra- 
structure (US$160 million — 49 percent), with transportation 
receiving the largest share of US$87 million; producing sector 
(US$79 million— 24 percent), with US$53.5 million of this 
devoted to agriculture; social assistance, including education, 
health care, and social assistance (US$52.2 million — 16 per- 
cent); and public administration (US$32.4 million — 10 per- 
cent). An overriding interest in development as opposed to 
security is clearly demonstrated by the relatively small amount 
of investment funds (US$2 million — 0.6 percent) allocated to 
the Malagasy Armed Forces. Finally, the percentage of invest- 
ment funds slated for each of the individual regions suggests an 
awareness of the need to favor those that historically have been 
neglected. The breakdown of investments by region in order of 
importance is as follows: Antsiranana (28 percent), Toliara (21 
percent), Mahajanga (18 percent), Toamasina (15 percent), 
Antananarivo (10 percent), and Fianarantsoa (9 percent). 

Balance of Payments and Debt 

The deterioration of the Malagasy economy that peaked in 
the 1980s is clearly demonstrated by the evolution of balance of 
payments problems and a growing debt burden (see table 2, 
Appendix). In 1980 Madagascar experienced a trade deficit of 
US$328 million and a service deficit of US$286 million, the 
combination of which contributed to a record current account 
deficit of US$568 million for the year. After nearly a decade of 
implementing the structural adjustment demands of the IMF 
and the World Bank, the Ratsiraka regime reduced the current 
account deficit to US$128 million in 1989. Among the eco- 
nomic trends contributing to this were a sharp reduction in 
imports and significant increases in bilateral and multilateral 
foreign assistance. Progress in reducing the current account 



61 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

deficit was reversed at the beginning of the 1990s, however, 
because of disruptions caused by the transition to democracy. 

A rising debt burden constitutes the most notable indicator 
of Madagascar's fiscal dilemmas. Whereas as late as 1978 Mada- 
gascar had only accumulated US$293.5 million in debt, massive 
borrowing on the international market during a three-year 
span led in 1981 to the quadrupling of this figure to US$1.37 
billion. By the end of the decade, this figure had nearly tripled 
to US$3.94 billion. Even worse, Madagascar's external debt 
exceeded annual GNP after 1986, reaching its height in 1988 
when external debt as a percentage of GNP exceeded 160 per- 
cent. 

The downfall of the Ratsiraka regime and the turbulence 
associated with the subsequent period of democratic transition 
exacerbated the debt crisis and presented the Zafy regime with 
one of its greatest economic challenges. As of November 1993, 
Madagascar's external debt was estimated to exceed US$4 bil- 
lion, with an outstanding initial debt of US$295 million and 
rescheduled debt of US$625 million being owed to Paris Club 
(see Glossary) members. Whereas the outstanding initial debt 
was owed primarily to France (US$138 million) and Japan 
(US$126 million), several countries were owed the majority of 
outstanding rescheduled debt, including France (US$182 mil- 
lion), Italy (US$96 million), Japan (US$84 million), Spain 
(US$76 million), and Germany (US$55 million). Approxi- 
mately US$77 million was also owed to commercial banks in 
the London Club (see Glossary), including the Arab Intercon- 
tinental Bank (US$31 million), Chase Manhattan Bank of Paris 
(US$9.5 million), Banque Nationale de Paris (US$7.5 million), 
and Banque Nationale d'Algerie (US$7.2 million). 

Traditional Agriculture 

Traditional farming methods vary from one ethnic group or 
location to another, according to population density, climate, 
water supply, and soil. The most intensive form of cultivation is 
practiced among the Betsileo and Merina groups of the central 
highlands, where population densities are the highest. At the 
other extreme are the extensive slash-and-burn methods of 
brush clearing and shifting cultivation in the south and the 
east. 

The Betsileo are probably the most efficient traditional rice 
farmers. They construct rice paddies on narrow terraces 
ascending the sides of steep valleys in the southern portion of 



62 



Madagascar 



the central highlands, creating an intricate landscape reminis- 
cent of Indonesia or the Philippines. The irrigation systems use 
all available water, which flows through narrow canals for con- 
siderable distances. Some of the rice paddies cover no more 
than a few square meters. Only those surfaces that cannot be 
irrigated are planted in dryland crops. 

In parts of the central highlands, two rice crops a year can 
be grown, but not on the same plot. The Betsileo use a variety 
of local species that can be sown at different times, employing 
irrigation to grow some varieties in the dry season and waiting 
for the rainy season to plant others. The fields surrounding the 
typical Betsileo village often represent a checkerboard of tiny 
plots in different stages of the crop cycle. 

The cultivation cycle begins with the repair of irrigation and 
drainage canals and plowing, which is performed with a long- 
handled spade or hoe. Manure or fertilizer is then spread over 
the field. If the supply of manure or artificial fertilizer is lim- 
ited, only the seedbeds are fertilized. After fertilizing, family 
and neighbors join in a festive trampling of the fields, using 
cattle if available. Occasionally, trampling takes the place of 
plowing altogether. If the rice is to be sown broadcast, it may be 
done on the same day as trampling. In the more advanced 
areas, the seedlings are raised in protected seedbeds and trans- 
planted later. 

Rice-farming techniques among the Merina resemble those 
of the Betsileo but are usually less advanced and intensive. The 
Merina territory includes some areas where land is more plen- 
tiful, and broader areas permit less laborious means of irriga- 
tion and terracing. Although rice is still the dominant crop, 
more dryland species are grown than in the Betsileo region, 
and greater use is made of the hillsides and grasslands. 

In the forested areas of the eastern coast, the Betsimisaraka 
and Tanala peoples also practice irrigated rice culture where 
possible. The dominant form of land use, however, is shifting 
cultivation by the slash-and-burn method, known as tavy. The 
smaller trees and brush are cut down and left to dry, then 
burned just before the rainy season. The cleared area is usually 
planted with mountain rice and corn. After two or three years 
of cultivation, the fields are usually left fallow and are gradually 
covered by secondary vegetation known as savoka. After ten or 
twenty years, the area may be cultivated again. 

Because the slash-and-burn method destroys the forest and 
other vegetation cover, and promotes erosion, it has been 



63 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

declared illegal. Government assistance is offered to those cul- 
tivators who prepare rice paddies instead, and those practicing 
tavy are fined or, in extreme cases, imprisoned. Despite the 
penalties, and much to the chagrin of forestry agents, tavy con- 
tinues to be practiced. Even those who cultivate wet paddies 
often practice tavy on the side. The crop cycle for tavy is shorter 
than for irrigated rice, and generations of experience have 
taught that it is one of the only forms of insurance against the 
droughts that occur about every three years. Moreover, the pre- 
cipitous slopes and heavy, irregular rains make it difficult to 
maintain affordable and controllable irrigation systems. 

A similar system of shifting cultivation is practiced in the 
arid, sparsely populated regions of the extreme south and 
southwest. The dry brush or grassland is burned off, and 
drought-resistant sorghum or corn is sown in the ashes. In the 
Antandroy and some Mahafaly areas, however, the main staples 
of subsistence — cassava, corn, beans, and sorghum — are also 
grown around the villages in permanent fields enclosed by 
hedges. 

Dry-season cultivation in empty streambeds is practiced 
largely on the western coast and in the southwest and is called 
baiboho. The crops are sown after the last rising of the waters 
during the rainy seasons, and after the harvest fresh alluvial 
deposits naturally replenish the soil. Lima beans (known as 
Cape peas) are raised by this system on the Mangoky River sys- 
tem delta, along with tobacco and a number of newer crops. 

The traditional livestock-raising peoples are the Bara, Saka- 
lava, and other groups of the south and the west, where almost 
every family owns some zebu cattle. The common practice is to 
allow the animals to graze almost at will, and the farmers take 
few precautions against the popular custom of cattle stealing. 
These farmers are also accustomed to burning off the dry grass 
to promote the growth of new vegetation for animal feed. The 
cattle generally are slaughtered only for ceremonial occasions, 
but these are so frequent that the per capita meat consumption 
among the cattle herders is very high. 

Fishing is popular as a sideline by farmers who supplement 
their farm produce with fish from freshwater rivers, lakes, and 
ponds. Perhaps two-thirds of the total yearly catch is consumed 
for subsistence; transportation costs to the capital make the 
price of marketed fish prohibitively expensive to other domes- 
tic consumers. The introduction of tilapia fish from the African 
mainland in the 1950s increased inland aquaculture. Many 



64 



Madagascar 



families, particularly in the central highlands, have established 
fish ponds to raise carp, black bass, or trout. The breeding of 
fish in rice fields, however, requires sophisticated water control 
and a strong guard against dynamiting, poisoning, and poach- 
ing, which remain chronic problems. 

Agricultural Production 

The 1984-85 agricultural census estimated that 8.7 million 
people live in the rural areas and that 65 percent of the active 
population within these areas lives at the subsistence level. The 
census also noted that average farm size was 1.2 hectares, 
although irrigated rice plots in the central highlands were 
often 0.5 hectares. Only 5.2 percent (3 million hectares) of the 
country's total land area of 58.2 million hectares is under culti- 
vation; of this hectarage, fewer than 2 million hectares are per- 
manently cultivated. Agriculture is critical to Madagascar's 
economy in that it provides nearly 80 percent of exports, con- 
stituting 33 percent of GDP in 1993, and in 1992 employed 
almost 80 percent of the labor force. Moreover, 50.7 percent 
(300,000 square kilometers) of the total landmass of 592,000 
square kilometers supports livestock rearing, while 16 percent 
(484,000 hectares) of land under cultivation is irrigated. 

The government significantly reorganized the agricultural 
sector of the economy beginning in 1972. Shortly after Ratsir- 
aka assumed power, the government announced that holdings 
in excess of 500 hectares would be turned over to landless fam- 
ilies, and in 1975 it reported that 500,000 hectares of land had 
been processed under the program. The long-range strategy of 
the Ratsiraka regime was to create collective forms of farm 
management, but not necessarily of ownership. By the year 
2000, some 72 percent of agricultural output was to come from 
farm cooperatives, 17 percent from state farms, and only 10 
percent from privately managed farms. Toward this end, the 
Ministry of Agricultural Production coordinated with more 
than seventy parastatal agencies in the areas of land develop- 
ment, agricultural extension, research, and marketing activi- 
ties. However, these socialist-inspired rural development 
policies, which led to a severe decline in per capita agricultural 
output during the 1970s, were at the center of the liberaliza- 
tion policies of the 1980s and the structural adjustment 
demands of the IMF and the World Bank. 

The evolution of rice production — the main staple food and 
the dominant crop — offers insight into some of the problems 



65 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

associated with agricultural production that were compounded 
by the Ratsiraka years. Rice production grew by less than 1 per- 
cent per year during the 1970-79 period, despite the expan- 
sion of the cultivated paddy area by more than 3 percent per 
year. Moreover, the share of rice available for marketing in the 
rapidly growing urban areas declined from 1 6 or 1 7 percent of 
the total crop in the early 1970s to about 11 or 12 percent dur- 
ing the latter part of the decade. As a result, Madagascar 
became a net importer of rice beginning in 1972, and by 1982 
was importing nearly 200,000 tons per year — about 10 percent 
of the total domestic crop and about equal to the demand from 
urban customers. 

The inefficient system of agricultural supply and marketing, 
which since 1972 increasingly had been placed under direct 
state control, was a major factor inhibiting more efficient and 
expanded rice production. From 1973 to 1977, one major para- 
statal agency, the Association for the National Interest in Agri- 
cultural Products (Societe d'Interet National des Produits 
Agricoles — SINPA), had a monopoly in collecting, importing, 
processing, and distributing a number of commodities, most 
notably rice. Corruption leading to shortages of rice in a num- 
ber of areas caused a scandal in 1977, and the government was 
forced to take over direct responsibility for rice marketing. In 
1982 SINPA maintained a large share in the distribution system 
for agricultural commodities; it subcontracted many smaller 
parastatal agencies to handle distribution in certain areas. The 
decreasing commercialization of rice and other commodities 
continued, however, suggesting that transportation bottlenecks 
and producer prices were undermining official distribution 
channels. 

To promote domestic production and reduce foreign 
imports of rice, the Ratsiraka regime enacted a series of struc- 
tural adjustment reforms during the 1980s. These included the 
removal of government subsidies on the consumer purchase 
price of rice in 1984 and the disbanding of the state marketing 
monopoly controlled by SINPA in 1985. Rice growers 
responded by moderately expanding production by 9.3 per- 
cent during the latter half of the 1980s from 2.18 million tons 
in 1985 to 2.38 million tons in 1989, and rice imports declined 
dramatically by 70 percent between 1985 and 1989. However, 
the Ratsiraka regime failed to restore self-sufficiency in rice 
production (estimated at between 2.8 million and 3.0 million 
tons), and rice imports rose again in 1990. In 1992 rice produc- 



66 



Madagascar 



tion occupied about two-thirds of the cultivated area and pro- 
duced 40 percent of total agricultural income, including 
fishing, which was next with 19 percent, as well as livestock rais- 
ing and forestry (see table 3, Appendix) . 

In February 1994, Cyclone Geralda hit Madagascar just as 
the rice harvesting was about to start and had a serious impact 
on the self-sufficiency goal. In addition, the southern tip of 
Madagascar suffered from severe drought in late 1993, result- 
ing in emergency assistance to 1 million people from the 
United Nations (UN) World Food Program (WFP). This WFP 
aid was later transformed into a food-for-work program to 
encourage development. 

Other food crops have witnessed small increases in produc- 
tion from 1985 to 1992. Cassava, the second major food crop in 
terms of area planted (almost everywhere on the island) and 
probably in quantity consumed, increased in production from 
2.14 million tons in 1985 to 2.32 million tons in 1992. During 
this same period, corn production increased from 140,000 tons 
to 165,000 tons, sweet potato production increased from 
450,000 tons to 487,000 tons, and bananas dropped slightly 
from 255,000 tons to 220,000 tons. 

Several export crops are also important to Madagascar's 
economy. Coffee prices witnessed a boom during the 1980s, 
making coffee the leading export crop of the decade; in 1986 
coffee earned a record profit of US$151 million. Prices within 
the coffee market gradually declined during the remainder of 
the 1980s, and earnings reached a low of US$28 million in 
1991 although they rebounded to US$58 million in 1992. Cot- 
ton traditionally has been the second major export crop, but 
most output during the early 1980s was absorbed by the local 
textile industry. Although cotton output rose from 27,000 tons 
in 1987 to 46,000 tons in 1988, once again raising the possibil- 
ity of significant export earnings, the combination of drought 
and a faltering agricultural extension service in the southwest 
contributed to a gradual decline in output to only 20,000 tons 
in 1992. 

Two other export crops — cloves and vanilla — have also 
declined in importance from the 1980s to the 1990s. Indone- 
sia, the primary importer of Malagasy cloves, temporarily 
halted purchases in 1983 as a result of sufficient domestic pro- 
duction, and left Madagascar with a huge surplus. A collapse in 
international prices for cloves in 1987, compounded by uncer- 
tain future markets and the normal cyclical nature of the crop, 



67 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

has led to a gradual decline in production from a high of 
14,600 tons in 1991 to 7,500 tons in 1993. Similarly, the still 
state-regulated vanilla industry (state-regulated prices for cof- 
fee and cloves were abolished in 1988-89) found itself under 
considerable financial pressure after 1987 because Indonesia 
reentered the international market as a major producer, and 
synthetic competitors emerged in the two major markets of the 
United States and France. As a result, vanilla production has 
declined from a high of 1,500 tons in 1988 and 1989 to only 
700 tons in 1993. 

The fisheries sector, especially the export of shrimp, is the 
most rapidly growing area of the agricultural economy (see 
table 4, Appendix) . This production is making up for lost reve- 
nues and potential structural decline within the ailing coffee, 
vanilla, and clove trade. Since 1988 total fish production has 
expanded nearly 23 percent from 92,966 tons to 114,370 tons 
in 1993. The export of shrimp constituted an extremely impor- 
tant portion of this production, providing export earnings of 
US$48 million in 1993. It is estimated by Aqualma, the major 
multinational corporation in the shrimp industry, that expan- 
sion into roughly 35,000 hectares of swampland on the coun- 
try's west coast may allow for the expansion of production from 
the current 6,500 tons and US$40 million in revenues to nearly 
75,000 tons and US$400 million in revenues by the end of the 
1990s. The prospects are also good for promoting greater levels 
of fish cultivation in the rice paddies, and exports of other fish 
products, most notably crab, tuna, and lobster, have been ris- 
ing. 

Livestock production is limited in part because of tradi- 
tional patterns of livestock ownership that have hampered 
commercialization. Beef exports in the early 1990s decreased 
because of poor government marketing practices, rundown 
slaughtering facilities, and inadequate veterinary services. 
Approximately 99 percent of cattle are zebu cattle. In 1990 the 
Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN estimated that 
Madagascar had 10.3 million cattle, 1.7 million sheep and 
goats, and some 21 million chickens. 

Industrial Development 

After registering a negative average annual growth rate of 
-2.8 percent from 1981 to 1986, industrial development 
improved from 1987 to 1991 with a positive, albeit small, aver- 
age annual growth rate of 1.1 percent. As of 1993, it was esti- 



68 



Traffic on a street in Antananarivo 
Courtesy J.D. von Pischke 



mated that industrial output was responsible for 13 percent of 
GDP, and that the food-processing, mining, and energy sectors 
contributed 65 percent of the manufacturing portion of this 
total. 

The establishment of EPZs and the passage of a new invest- 
ment code in 1990 contributed to an expansion of industrial 
output (see table 5, Appendix). Despite the implications of the 
title, the EPZs do not require registered companies to establish 
themselves in specific geographic zones but merely constitute 
entities that fall under a specific fiscal code. The EPZs are 
financially attractive in that registered companies only pay one 
tax on profits {impot sur les benefices) and another on revenues 
from capital transfers {impot sur les revenus de capitaux mobiliers), 
and, in the case of the former, receive an exemption of as 
much as the first fifteen years of operation. From 1990 to 1993, 
100 new companies had established themselves in the EPZs, 



69 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

creating more than 17,500 jobs and generating more than 
US$113 million in foreign investments. The majority of these 
firms were distributed among three economic sectors — cloth- 
ing (48 percent), handicrafts (13 percent), and agro-process- 
ing (9 percent). Only 14 percent were owned by Malagasy; the 
remainder were owned by French (55 percent), Mauritian (16 
percent), South African (4 percent), or other nationals (11 
percent). Another 7,000 jobs and US$70 million in investments 
were generated by more than 160 new companies taking advan- 
tage of the new investment code. The creation by the Interna- 
tional Finance Corporation (IFC — see Glossary) in June 1994 
of the US$2.6 million Madagascar Capital Development Fund 
is designed to encourage Malagasy firms to establish themselves 
in the EPZs. 

Madagascar contains a wide variety of minerals, but most of 
the deposits exist in scattered and relatively inaccessible loca- 
tions. The government nationalized all mineral deposits in 
1975, bringing mineral exploitation under the National Mili- 
tary Office for Strategic Industries (Office Militaire National 
pour les Industries Strategiques) . In 1990 a new mining invest- 
ment code that encouraged private investment and exploita- 
tion was implemented, but the results have been disappointing. 
Several companies, including most recently Royal Dutch Shell, 
which disbanded its operations in early 1994, have sought 
unsuccessfully to find petroleum. 

In another venture, in August 1993, a Swiss enterprise, 
International Capital and Securities Exchange, obtained the 
right to explore and mine for gold over a twenty-five-year 
period. French government sources estimate Madagascar's 
gold production at about three to four tons of gold annually 
and its potential yield double that. In 1992, however, as a result 
of smuggling, only thirty-seven kilograms of gold were officially 
exported. 

Madagascar has reserves of bauxite, chromite, graphite, 
limestone, mica, nickel, and limestone. The exploitation of 
these minerals varies. More than 108,000 tons of chromium 
ores and concentrates, mostly in Andriamena in the central 
area and near Befandriana Avaratra in the north central area 
(Madagascar is the world's tenth largest producer), and 10,600 
tons of graphite were successfully extracted in 1992. In con- 
trast, the production of ilmenite ore, used in the manufacture 
of titanium, ceased in 1977 (although a joint Malagasy-Cana- 
dian firm is expected to resume production beginning in 



70 



Madagascar 



1995). In the southeast, approximately 100 million tons of 
bauxite deposits at Manantenima are at present unexploited. A 
variety of other minerals are mined on a small scale, including 
agate, beryl, quartz, garnet, amazonite, amethyst, moonstone, 
tourmaline, citrine, and a number of abrasives and feldspars. 

Madagascar depends completely on foreign imports to sat- 
isfy its oil needs, but it also refines some petroleum for export. 
Two-thirds of all electricity demand is met by production from 
seven hydroelectric power plants that serve Antananarivo, 
Antsirabe, and the Andriamena chrome mine; the remaining 
one-third is met by thermal stations. Many plants have their 
own small diesel or steam generators. Energy needs are also 
met by firewood and charcoal, which has contributed to the 
precarious nature of the country's forests and serious erosion 
problems, and by the bagasse from sugarcane used in sugar 
production; two power stations using bagasse as fuel and a solar 
energy plant are planned. Reserves of 100 million tons of coal 
are found primarily near Sakoa in the southwest, although 
fewer than 10,000 tons are used on an annual basis. The gov- 
ernment seeks to expand domestic coal use. 

Another area that the government has begun to develop is 
that of tourism, which has good potential in view of Madagas- 
car's exotic flora and fauna, and some 5,000 kilometers of 
beaches. In early 1989, the regime launched a tourism plan 
that was designed to bring in 100,000 tourists annually by 1995. 
Thus far, however, the greatest number of tourists attracted has 
been 52,900 in 1990, compared with 250,000 on the much 
smaller island of Mauritius. To achieve its goal, Madagascar 
needs additional infrastructure in the way of transportation, 
accommodations, and other facilities, as well as a greater sense 
of security on the part of foreigners — in 1993 gendarmes shot 
two German researchers in error, causing Germany, which was 
Madagascar's second largest tourist source, to boycott the 
island. 

Foreign Trade 

As of 1992, 81.1 percent (US$311 million) of Madagascar's 
total exports of US$383.5 million were to the industrialized 
West. Four countries served as the primary destination of Mala- 
gasy goods: France (30.4 percent), the United States (13.3 per- 
cent), Germany (10.1 percent) and Japan (7.5 percent) (see 
table 6, Appendix). In contrast, only 51 percent (US$313.2 mil- 
lion) of Madagascar's total imports of US$614.1 million in 1992 



71 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

came from the industrialized West (a sharp decline from 78.7 
percent in 1980), and only France remained a significant part- 
ner (providing 29.9 of Madagascar's imports). Whereas Japan 
and Germany were responsible for 4.3 and 3.9 percent of 
Madagascar's imports, respectively, the United States contrib- 
uted a meager 1.1 percent. Russia remains marginal in terms of 
both imports and exports (less than 1 percent) , and, along with 
the other former communist countries, has never constituted a 
major trading partner of Madagascar. In aggregate terms, 
Madagascar's exports to the industrialized West dropped 
slightly from US$316 million in 1980 to US$311 million in 
1992. 

Two trends in trade with the developing world stand out. 
First, Madagascar slightly increased the percentage of goods 
exported to other southern countries from 14.3 percent in 
1980 to 18.8 percent in 1992. Other African countries were the 
major market for Malagasy goods (11.0 percent) in 1992, Asia 
came in second (7.1 percent), and the Middle East and Latin 
America together imported only 0.5 percent. In aggregate 
terms, Madagascar's exports to the developing south expanded 
from US$57.5 million in 1980 to US$72.3 million in 1992. 

A second, more noticeable shift occurred in terms of Mada- 
gascar's imports from other southern countries, increasing 
from US$55 million in 1980 to US$301 million in 1992. In 
sharp contrast to regional patterns related to exports, Madagas- 
car imported the majority of its goods from Asia (15.5 percent) 
and the Middle East (8.5 percent). Other African countries 
were the source of only 6.1 percent of Madagascar's imports, 
and Latin America registered the negligible total of 2.1 per- 
cent. A burgeoning trade deficit that exceeded US$230 million 
in 1992 remains one of the biggest trade problems confronting 
Malagasy policy makers. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

The expansion of the economy is hindered by an inade- 
quate transportation system that deteriorated throughout the 
1980s (see fig. 4). Only 4,000 kilometers (10 percent) of an 
estimated 40,000-kilometer road network are asphalted (no all- 
weather road links the capital with the southern and northern 
extremes of the island), and the state-controlled railroad con- 
sists of 1,095 kilometers of track in two limited (and separate) 
railroad systems. The first connects the capital of Antananarivo 
with the port city of Toamasina, the rice-producing area of 



72 



Madagascar 



Lake Alaotra, and the town of Antsirabe; the second connects 
the regional capital of Fianarantsoa with the coastal town of 
Manakara. 

The country's ports and airports fare better than the land or 
rail network. Madagascar has fifteen major ports along the 
4,828-kilometer coastline, of which Toamasina, Mahajanga, 
and Antsiranana are the most important. The air network 
revolves around the main international airport, Ivato-Antanan- 
arivo. The country technically contains 211 airfields, but only 
approximately 50 percent are usable, and only thirty maintain 
permanent-surface runways. Whereas the national airline, Air 
Madagascar, is two-thirds owned by the government (Air 
France owns the remaining one-third), twelve airports (includ- 
ing Ivato-Antananarivo) were taken over in 1990 by a private 
company, Aeroports de Madagascar. 

In 1994 Madagascar's telecommunications system was 
sparse, serving only commercial users and residents of large 
towns and cities. Almost 60 percent of the country's 27,200 tele- 
phones were located in Antananarivo in 1989. Figures for that 
year showed that the country averaged only three telephones 
per 1,000 inhabitants, and service was limited to government 
offices, large companies, and a few wealthy families in urban 
areas. The telecommunications system deteriorated apprecia- 
bly during the 1980s so that Madagascar had fewer telephones 
in 1994 than in 1975. Two satellite ground stations near the 
capital provide excellent international links via the Interna- 
tional Telecommunications Satellite Organization's (Intelsat's) 
Indian Ocean satellite and the Symphonie ground station, 
working with a European telecommunications satellite. 

Broadcast services are thinly scattered countrywide. The 
entire country has only seventeen mediumwave amplitude 
modulation (AM) radio stations — a powerful transmitter in the 
capital and sixteen low-power repeaters in other cities. A gov- 
ernment-owned, AM shortwave station broadcasting in French 
and Malagasy on five frequencies reaches listeners in remote 
locations and in neighboring countries. In addition, Radio 
Nederlands has a powerful station in western Madagascar that 
relays programs throughout Africa and the Indian Ocean on 
shortwave frequencies. Antananarivo and two other cities each 
have a single frequency modulation (FM) station. Thirty-seven 
low-power television transmitters broadcast for three and a half 
hours daily in urban areas. 



73 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 




Figure 4. Madagascar: Transportation System, 1994 

Government and Politics 

Constitution and Institutions of Governance 

The Third Republic received its first expression of popular 
support and legitimacy on August 19, 1992, when the constitu- 
tional framework constructed by the National Conference was 
approved by more than 75 percent of those voting in a popular 



74 



Madagascar 



referendum (the constitution took effect on September 12). 
On this date, the people overwhelmingly approved a new con- 
stitution consisting of 149 articles that provided for the separa- 
tion of powers among the executive, legislative, and judicial 
branches of government; the creation of a multiparty political 
system; and the protection of individual human rights and free- 
dom of speech. 

The power of the executive branch is divided between a 
president who is elected by universal suffrage and a prime min- 
ister from the parliament who is nominated by his/her peers 
but who must be approved by the president. If the nominee for 
prime minister does not achieve an absolute majority of sup- 
port within the parliament, the president may choose a candi- 
date from the parliament who will serve for one year. As 
captured in the Malagasy concept ray aman-dreny (father and 
mother of the nation), enshrined in Article 44 of the constitu- 
tion, the president serves as the symbol of national unity. The 
president also is the recognized leader of foreign policy and 
constitutes by far the single most powerful political person 
within the country. All presidential decrees must be counter- 
signed, however, and the president is bound by the constitu- 
tional reality that the prime minister is responsible for the 
functioning of the government. 

The president is elected for a five-year period and is limited 
to two terms in office. In the event that no candidate wins a 
simple majority of the popular vote, a run-off election is held 
between the two leading candidates within a period of two 
months. The most important unwritten law regarding the exec- 
utive branch revolves around the cotter/ central highlands dis- 
tinction. If a cotier is elected president, it is understood that a 
Merina will fill the position of prime minister, and vice versa. In 
the case of the first national elections held under the Third 
Republic, for example, the elected president — Zafy — who is a 
cotier, chose a prime minister — Francisque Ravony — from the 
ranks of the Merina (although several of the Merina elite were 
not entirely happy with the choice because Ravony is only half 
Merina) . 

The constitution provides for a bicameral parliament com- 
posed of a Senate and a National Assembly (Assembled Nation- 
ale) . The Senate represents territorial groups and serves as the 
consultative chamber on social and economic issues. Two- 
thirds of its members are chosen by an Electoral College, and 
the remaining one-third are chosen by the president. Envi- 



75 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

sioned elections for 1994 had not been held as of June 1994. 
The National Assembly consists of 138 deputies elected by uni- 
versal suffrage using a proportional representation list-system. 
Both senators and deputies serve for four years. The June 16, 
1993, elections resulted in about half the deputies elected 
being members of the Forces Vives. The remainder belonged 
to six parties, of which the largest had fifteen deputies and the 
smallest nine deputies. The parliament as a whole operates 
with a variety of classic parliamentary measures, such as a vote 
of no confidence, that enable it to serve as a check on the 
power of the executive. 

A new system of local governance under the constitution is 
known as the Decentralized Territorial Authorities (Collectiv- 
ites Territoriales Decentralisees) . According to the decentrali- 
zation law adopted by the National Assembly in March 1994, 
twenty-eight regions (faritra), more than 100 departments (ftle- 
ovana), and fewer than 1,000 communes (faribohitra) have been 
created. Certain urban communes, such as the cities of 
Antananarivo, Nosy-Be, and Sainte Marie, will function as 
departments. Envisioned as regional vehicles for popular input 
in which members are elected by universal suffrage, these 
authorities have yet to be implemented; their exact role in the 
policy-making process remains ill-defined, but it is contem- 
plated that the national government will handle such areas as 
foreign affairs, defense, public security, justice, currency, and 
broad economic planning and policy, leaving economic imple- 
mentation to the decentralized bodies. However, the Zafy 
regime is confident that, once functioning, these regional 
boards will take the political initiative away from the so-called 
federalist opposition, which has been seeking to shift power 
away from the central government to the regions. 

A strong, independent judiciary is also enshrined in the 
1992 constitution. An eleven-member Supreme Court serves as 
the highest arbiter of the laws of the land. Other judicial bodies 
include the Administrative and Financial Constitutional Court, 
the Appeals Courts, tribunals, and the High Court of Justice. 
The creation of this complex system indicates the desire of the 
constitutional framers for a society built upon the rule of law. 
Indeed, the constitution explicitly outlines the fundamental 
rights of individual citizens and groups (most notably freedom 
of speech) and guarantees the existence of an independent 
press free from government control or censorship. 



76 



Madagascar 



The creation of a truly free and fair multiparty system is the 
centerpiece of the new constitutional order. In sharp contrast 
to the Ratsiraka era, when political parties could only exist 
under the ideological umbrella of the FNDR, democratization 
of the political system has led to the proliferation of political 
parties of all ideological stripes. In the first legislative elections 
held under the Third Republic in 1993, for example, more 
than 120 political parties fielded at least 4,000 candidates for a 
total of 138 legislative seats. Despite constitutional guarantees 
concerning the rights of citizens to form political parties with- 
out fear of government retribution, parties that call for ethnic 
or religious segregation or demonstrably endanger national 
unity are subject to being banned. 

The electoral system is designed to promote and facilitate 
widespread popular participation. In fact, it is argued that the 
proportional representation list-system (including the rule of 
the largest remainder) for electing deputies actually encour- 
ages large numbers of candidates to take part. All resident citi- 
zens eighteen years of age or older can vote in elections, but 
candidates must be at least twenty-one years of age to partici- 
pate. Electoral registers are usually revised during a two-month 
period beginning in December, and the country is divided into 
sixty-eight constituencies for electoral purposes. Although 
there was a four-month gap between the end of the first presi- 
dential elections and the first legislative elections held under 
the Third Republic in 1993, legislative elections are supposed 
to be held no less than two months after the end of presidential 
elections. The next presidential elections are scheduled for 
1998. 

The Fokonolona and Traditional Governance 

Madagascar has a tradition of limited village self-rule associ- 
ated with the institution of the fokonolona — a village council 
composed of village elders and other local notables. After hav- 
ing been alternately suppressed and encouraged by the French 
colonial authorities, authorities officially revived the fokonolona 
in 1962 in an attempt to involve local communities in plans for 
rural economic and social development. The perceived useful- 
ness of the fokonolona derived from its traditional role of main- 
taining order in the village and providing social and economic 
assistance. 

In 1973 the Ramanantsoa military regime furthered the self- 
rule concept by establishing self-governing bodies at the local 



77 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

level. Government functionaries who were formerly appointed 
were to be replaced by elected officials. Yet it was not until 
1975, under the leadership of Ratsiraka, that the fokonolona was 
given constitutional recognition as the "decentralized collec- 
tive of the state" responsible for economic, social, cultural, and 
municipal development at the local level. Despite his best 
intentions, during Ratsiraka's rule the fokonolona was still far 
from an idealized self-governing institution. Its governing bod- 
ies were dominated, as in the past, by conservative elders, and 
participation by youth was either minimal or not encouraged 
by elders. Under the Zafy regime the fokonolona will continue to 
offer policy guidance at the local level, but it has been super- 
seded by the Decentralized Territorial Collectives. 

The fokonolona often is characterized as one of the most 
characteristic Malagasy social institutions. It is, in fact, not a 
"pan-Malagasy" cultural element but an institution that evolved 
among the Merina and was implanted in other parts of the 
country by both the Merina and the French. Even among the 
neighboring Betsileo, it is considered something of a foreign 
implantation. Nonetheless, the fokonolona offers aid to mem- 
bers in need (such as when a child is born or a funeral is held), 
undertakes village projects (such as the repair of rice fields or 
village buildings after a cyclone), coordinates mutual aid at 
planting and harvest time, and occasionally chastises — or ostra- 
cizes — those considered wrongdoers. 

The fokonolona ties individuals together in a network of 
mutual obligations. Its meetings bring together in a coopera- 
tive setting people of different kinship groups within a village, 
and the common use of Active kinship terms promotes the cre- 
ation of an atmosphere of amity and solidarity (fihavanana) , 
necessary for sincere cooperation. The fokonolona, however, tra- 
ditionally has not been a democratic institution despite its 
town-meeting character, because its meetings tend to be domi- 
nated by influential local notables. Local political power 
remains a function of age and membership in a high-status kin- 
ship group; in some cases, the descendants of slaves ( andevo) 
attend fokonolona meetings, but their influence is marginal. 

Ax. fokonolona meetings, it is possible to see one of Madagas- 
car's most striking cultural expressions, the kabary (discourse), 
a lengthy speech in which a speaker uses flowery and poetic 
language to make a critical point in a most indirect fashion. 
The people will listen silently from beginning to end. Those 
who disagree will not express their opinion but will counter 



78 



Madagascar 



with a speech that at first seems to support the first speaker but 
that actually contains a hidden counterproposal. Speakers may 
express their views by telling jokes. If people laugh or if they 
simply act according to the second speaker's proposal, the first 
has lost. Rarely if ever does an open confrontation between 
speakers occur. 

Foreign Relations 

Close Franco-Malagasy ties formed the cornerstone of 
Madagascar's foreign policy in the early independence years, as 
witnessed by the signing of fourteen agreements and conven- 
tions with France. An Economic and Financial Cooperation 
Agreement signed in June 1960 specified and regulated Mada- 
gascar's status as a member of the Franc Zone. Other economic 
agreements ensured the sanctity of existing French economic 
interests and, therefore, continued strong levels of French 
influence over Madagascar's economy. The Malagasy role was 
largely limited to the impact of decision makers in the upper 
echelons of government and input at the grass-roots level by 
small-scale farmers producing for subsistence or export. Other 
sectors by and large remained the domain of French trading 
conglomerates, large-scale agriculturalists, or Chinese and 
Indian intermediaries. 

In the realm of security, defense agreements underscored 
France's willingness to provide strategic protection for Mada- 
gascar. France was allowed access to military bases and installa- 
tions in Madagascar. These included the natural harbor of 
Antsiranana at the northern end of the island and the Ivato air- 
field near Antananarivo. France also enjoyed complete free- 
dom of movement in the island's airspaces and coastal waters. 
In return for these benefits, France provided military aid, tech- 
nical assistance, and training for Malagasy security forces. 

French influence was equally strong in the cultural realm. 
The country's intellectual elite was French-speaking, and many 
prominent Malagasy studied in French lycees and acquired 
degrees from French universities. Newspapers and periodicals 
published in French as well as Malagasy circulated in Antanan- 
arivo and other major cities. French was the language of 
instruction for higher education, and many teachers were 
French. At secondary and higher levels, the curriculum was 
modeled closely on that of France. 

The strengthening of ties with France was complemented by 
a desire to enhance links with other Western countries, includ- 



79 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

ing Britain, Italy, Switzerland, the Federal Republic of Germany 
(West Germany) , and most notably the United States. In Octo- 
ber 1963, the Tsiranana regime consented to the construction 
of a National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) 
satellite tracking station near the old airport outside the capi- 
tal. In return, the United States initiated a modest foreign assis- 
tance program that guaranteed private investment in the 
island's economy and made available a number of fellowships 
to students from Madagascar. Madagascar also established dip- 
lomatic links with other newly emerging nations, particularly 
former French colonies in Africa, and strengthened relation- 
ships with Asian countries, most notably Japan, India, and 
Indonesia. 

A significant shift occurred in Madagascar's foreign policy 
after the downfall of the Tsiranana regime in 1972. In a series 
of diplomatic moves that three years later were embraced by 
the Ratsiraka regime as the cornerstones of the Second Repub- 
lic, the Ramanantsoa regime pronounced Madagascar's com- 
mitment to nonalignment, anti-imperialism, anticolonialism, 
and antiracism in international affairs. In the context of the 
privileged Franco-Malagasy relationship, these themes trans- 
lated into harsh rhetoric concerning the necessity of revoking 
the "slavery agreements" of the Tsiranana regime, followed by 
the uncompensated nationalization of all French banks and 
insurance firms in June 1975, contributing to the dramatic 
cooling of diplomatic relations. Moreover, in June 1976, the 
Ratsiraka regime laid claim to small, rocky, French-held islands 
around Madagascar, including the Glorieuses (claimed concur- 
rently by Comoros), Juan de Nova, Europa, Bassas da India, 
and Tromelin (also claimed by Mauritius). Originally adminis- 
tered as part of French-ruled Madagascar, these possessions 
were split off just prior to independence in 1960 and include 
some minor military facilities. 

Diplomatic links also soured with other Western powers, 
such as Britain, which closed its embassy in 1975. In the case of 
the United States, the immediate cause of strained ties was the 
Ratsiraka regime's decision to close the NASA tracking station. 
Another source of friction was the frequent verbal assaults by 
the Ratsiraka regime against the United States military pres- 
ence at Diego Garcia Island. The Malagasy position was that, in 
accordance with a UN resolution passed in 1971, the Indian 
Ocean should be a demilitarized, nuclear-free zone of peace. 
Nonetheless, trade relations remained essentially unaffected, 



80 



Presidential Palace, Antananarivo 
Courtesy J.D. von Pischke 



and diplomatic relations continued, albeit at the reduced level 
of charges d'affaires. 

The most dramatic development was the strengthening of 
ties with Eastern Europe and with other communist regimes. 
After establishing diplomatic links with the Soviet Union in 
October 1972 — followed one month later by the establishment 
of ties with China and the Democratic People's Republic of 
Korea (North Korea) — ties were enhanced in the economic, 
cultural, and politico-military realms. Soviet development assis- 
tance was directed toward the fields of agriculture, medicine, 
science, and technology, and scholarships were provided to at 
least 2,000 Malagasy students to study in the Soviet Union. A 
new Malagasy-Soviet Intergovernmental Commission on Eco- 
nomic and Technical Cooperation and Trade facilitated these 
links. The Soviet Union was particularly interested in promot- 
ing security ties with the Ratsiraka regime. In addition to pro- 
viding military advisers and technical advice, the former Soviet 
Union became the primary source of military equipment for 
the Malagasy Armed Forces, including providing access to 
MiG-21 Fishbed jet fighters, and aided in the construction of a 
series of sealane intercept stations along Madagascar's west 



81 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

coast astride the Mozambique Channel. These stations were 
eventually dismantled in 1983 after protests by the West. 

Relationships with other communist countries developed in 
a variety of fields. Whereas Cuba provided technical assistance 
within the educational realm, China funded the construction 
of roads between Moramanga and Toamasina, and built a new 
sugar factory near Morondava. The Ratsiraka regime was espe- 
cially impressed by North Korean leader Kim II Sung and his 
ideology of national self-reliance known as juche (or chuch'e), 
hosting an international conference on this topic in Antanan- 
arivo in 1976. North Korean assistance was fairly extensive in 
the fields of agriculture and irrigation. The North Koreans 
were most noted, however, for their training of Ratsiraka's pres- 
idential security unit and the construction of a presidential 
bunker at Iavohola. 

New directions in foreign policy were equally pronounced 
in Madagascar's relationships with other developing countries 
and its positions in a variety of international forums. In addi- 
tion to breaking ties with Israel and South Africa, the 
Ramanantsoa/Ratsiraka regimes strengthened links with Libya, 
the Palestine Liberation Organization, and liberation move- 
ments in southern Africa and the Western Sahara. Madagascar 
also joined the Nonaligned Movement, became more active in 
the Organization of African Unity (OAU), and took positions 
in the UN that favored the communist states, including abstain- 
ing on a resolution that denounced the Soviet Union's invasion 
of Afghanistan in 1979 and supporting Vietnam's invasion of 
Cambodia in 1978. In conjunction with his Cuban and Soviet 
allies, Ratsiraka even tried to broker an end to rising tensions 
between Marxist Ethiopia and Marxist Somalia just prior to the 
outbreak of the Ogaden War in 1977-78. 

Despite some alarmist projections that the communist coun- 
tries would replace the West and turn Madagascar into a Soviet 
satellite, the changes in Madagascar's foreign policies repre- 
sented a short-term shift rather than a true break with the past. 
The Ratsiraka regime had gained little in the form of economic 
assistance from its friendly relations with the Soviet Union and 
other communist countries — aid from these sources consti- 
tuted less than 1 percent of all bilateral assistance from 1977 to 
1980 — and was confronted with the harsh realities of economic 
decline. As a result, an increasingly pragmatic Ratsiraka sought 
to reaffirm and strengthen Madagascar's foreign policy rela- 
tionships with the West. Indeed, relations with the West 



82 



Madagascar 



appeared to be on the upswing at the beginning of the 1980s, 
whereas those with the communist countries were more or less 
static — despite the similarity of views on a wide range of inter- 
national issues routinely reaffirmed by the spokespersons of 
Madagascar and of communist countries. As was the case with 
other self-proclaimed Marxist regimes during the 1970s and 
the 1980s, Ratsiraka pursued politico-military links with the 
Soviet Union while seeking to maintain economic ties with the 
West. 

Diplomatic overtures to France served as the logical starting 
point for achieving a balance in Madagascar's foreign policy 
relationships. As early as 1977, Ratsiraka provided assurances 
concerning compensation for French firms nationalized dur- 
ing the mid-1970s in order to foster greater official and private 
investment in Madagascar. France responded positively, as 
demonstrated by the tremendous increase in foreign assistance 
from US$38.4 million in 1979 to US$96.4 million in 1982. 
Indeed, as of the early 1980s, France remained Madagascar's 
most important foreign policy partner. It was the principal 
source of foreign assistance and the most valuable trading part- 
ner. The dispute over French control of neighboring islands, 
although unresolved, had little if any ill effect on Franco-Mala- 
gasy relations, mainly because the Ratsiraka regime no longer 
publicly pressed this issue in international forums. (The 
motion asking France to cede the islands had been adopted by 
the UN General Assembly by a ninety-seven to seven vote in 
1979 with thirty-six abstentions.) 

The diversification of ties, thereby avoiding dependence on 
any single power, served as another cornerstone of Madagas- 
car's foreign policy initiatives during the 1980s. Relations were 
fully restored with Washington in November 1980 when United 
States Ambassador Fernando E. Rondon assumed his post for 
the first time since his predecessor had been recalled during 
the summer of 1975. Receiving the new envoy, Ratsiraka 
expressed the hope that "fruitful, loyal, and lasting coopera- 
tion" would develop between the two countries and that there 
would be "no further misunderstandings" as a result of differ- 
ing opinions on international issues. Other major events 
included the reopening of the British embassy in 1979, Ratsir- 
aka's visits with President Ronald Reagan in Washington in 
1982 and 1983, the opening of a World Bank office in Antanan- 
arivo in 1983, and the strengthening of links with other indus- 
trialized countries, most notably Japan. 



83 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

The levels of foreign assistance provided by the West dem- 
onstrate the success of Ratsiraka's diplomatic initiatives (see 
table 7, Appendix) . Bilateral aid from the West constituted only 
US$36.3 million one year after Ratsiraka had taken power in 
1975. Four years after the beginning of the foreign policy 
changes initiated by the Ramantsoa regime, this amount 
increased to US$168.1 million in 1982, to US$217.6 million in 
1988, and to US$365.5 million in 1991. Similarly, multilateral 
assistance from Western financial institutions, such as the IMF 
and the European Common Market (European Union), 
increased from US$34.1 million in 1976 to US$80.6 million in 
1982, to US$108.9 million in 1988, and to US$191.4 million in 
1991. 

Equally important, Ratsiraka's policies led to a diversifica- 
tion of Madagascar's sources of foreign assistance. Although 
France in 1991 still provided approximately 43 percent 
(US$157.0 million) of Madagascar's bilateral foreign assis- 
tance, in 1988 it had provided approximately 50 percent 
(US$108.5 million). The amount marked a significant decline 
from almost total dependence in 1970 when nearly 90 percent 
of all Western assistance was provided by France. Noteworthy, 
however, was France's provision of US$655.4 million of the 
total US$1,334.5 million multilateral aid that Madagascar 
received between 1985 and 1990. In addition, France gave 
Madagascar loan assistance for such projects as telecommuni- 
cations, transportation, and banking, and canceled US$715 
million in debts that the Madagascar government owed France. 
In 1993 Madagascar received about US$167 million in aid from 
France compared with about US$152 million in aid received 
from France in 1992. Whereas the United States provided 
US$71.0 million in multilateral aid in 1991, Japan and Ger- 
many extended US$56.8 million and US$30.3 million respec- 
tively. 

United States direct development aid has become increas- 
ingly important for Madagascar and has risen from about 
US$10 million in 1990 to US$13.5 million in 1991 (US$28 mil- 
lion was authorized but could not be used because of strikes 
and the disrupted political and economic situation), US$40 
million in 1992, and US$40.6 million in 1993. Of the 1993 
total, US$20.4 million was earmarked for environmental pro- 
tection and US$10 million for the private sector. 

The growing partnership with the West was cemented by 
dramatic changes in the international system and in Madagas- 



84 



Madagascar 



car's domestic political system. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 
1989 signaled the beginning of a process eventually leading to 
the downfall of communist regimes and trading partners in 
Eastern Europe, the fragmentation of the Soviet Union, and 
the increasing international isolation of North Korea and Cuba 
as pariah regimes. Furthermore, this international trend facili- 
tated the rise of popular pressures for a multiparty democracy 
in Madagascar, eventually leading to the downfall of Ratsiraka's 
Second Republic and its replacement in 1993 with a democrati- 
cally inspired Third Republic under the leadership of Zafy. 

The cornerstone of Madagascar's foreign policy in the post- 
Cold War era is the continued diversification of ties, with an 
emphasis on promoting economic exchanges. In addition to 
establishing formal diplomatic ties with the Republic of Korea 
(South Korea) in May 1993, negotiations were initiated to 
restore diplomatic links with Israel and South Africa. In each of 
these cases, diplomatic links are perceived as the precursor to 
lucrative trading agreements. For example, one month after 
establishing diplomatic ties with South Korea, Madagascar 
hosted a South Korean trade mission that included representa- 
tives of six major South Korean companies: Daewoo, Dong 
Yong Electronics, Hyundai, Kolon, Peace Industries, and Sam- 
sung. As underscored by Prime Minister Ravony, one of the 
most critical challenges facing Madagascar is the restructuring 
of its embassies and foreign policy to "objectives of economic 
redeployment" in the post-Cold War era. Of particular interest 
to Madagascar, in view of their proximity and commercial 
potential, are relations and trade with India, Mauritius, Austra- 
lia, and South Africa. 

The benefits associated with changes in the international 
environment have an impact on Madagascar's domestic politi- 
cal system. Similar to other newly installed African democracies 
at the beginning of the 1990s, the Zafy regime confronts the 
challenge of consolidating still-fragile democratic practices and 
governing institutions in a significantly changed international 
environment. Although such potential benefits associated with 
the end of the Cold War as a renewed focus on economic as 
opposed to military investments have been heralded by West- 
ern observers, the leaders of African countries, including 
Madagascar, rightfully wonder if their countries will be further 
marginalized as former benefactors either turn inward or 
toward more lucrative economic markets in Asia and Latin 
America. Equally important, the Zafy regime faces balancing 



85 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

rising public demands to receive immediately the fruits of 
democratization with the harsh reality of the political con- 
straints of a democratic system. Indeed, democratization has 
not proved to be a quick panacea for resolving such issues as 
the necessity of overhauling and privatizing largely inert and 
bloated state-operated economic enterprises, and has even led 
to the emergence of new problems, most notably federalist 
demands for greater regional autonomy. Nonetheless, Mada- 
gascar's political elite clearly seems committed to the contin- 
ued reform and strengthening of multiparty democracy, as well 
as the expansion of the country's role as a leader in both 
regional and international forums. 

# * * 

The amount of scholarship devoted to Madagascar in the 
English language is small but growing, and complements a 
larger body of literature in the French language and a smaller 
body of research in the Malagasy language. For the most up-to- 
date analyses by francophone scholars, see a special 1993 edi- 
tion of Politique Africaine devoted to Madagascar. 

Several works offer a useful introduction to the society, eco- 
nomics, and especially the politics of Madagascar. One of the 
earliest and most useful introductions in English is Virginia 
Thompson and Richard Adloff, The Malagasy Republic: Madagas- 
car Today. A more recent introduction, Maureen Covell's Mada- 
gascar: Politics, Economics, and Society, is especially relevant for 
understanding the Marxist policies of the Ratsiraka era. Pierre 
Verin's Madagascar provides the standard French introduction 
and includes a useful bibliographic essay. 

Several scholars have distinguished themselves as specialists 
on Madagascar, and their works serve as helpful introductions 
to each of their discipline's treatment of Madagascar. In the 
field of anthropology, Maurice Bloch has written several semi- 
nal works, most notably Placing the Dead: Tombs, Ancestral Vil- 
lages, and Kinship Organization in Madagascar and From Blessing to 
Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the 
Merina of Madagascar. In the field of history, Mervyn Brown's 
Madagascar Rediscovered: A History from Early Times to Indepen- 
dence provides a good overview of the early history of Madagas- 
car. Raymond K. Kent's Early Kingdoms in Madagascar, 1500- 
1700 outlines the historical development of various Malagasy 
kingdoms. In the field of economics, Frederic L. Pryor's Pov- 
erty, Equity, and Growth in Malawi and Madagascar is valuable in 



86 



Madagascar 



exploring the equity versus growth dilemma as applied to 
Madagascar. Paul A. Dorosh's Macroeconomic Adjustment and the 
Poor: The Case of Madagascar offers important insights into the 
impact of national economic policies and their effect on rural 
populations. 

A variety of bulletins and journals are useful for staying 
apprised of political and economic developments in Madagas- 
car. The separate economic and political monthly bulletins of 
the Africa Research Bulletin contain brief references. Also recom- 
mended are the annual country surveys in the Africa Contempo- 
rary Record: Annual Survey and Documents and the Annuaire des 
Pays de V Ocean Indien. However, the Indian Ocean Newsletter con- 
stitutes the most informative weekly source of up-to-date infor- 
mation on political, and to a lesser degree, economic 
developments in the African countries and islands in or around 
the Indian Ocean, including Madagascar. The annual country 
profiles and the quarterly reports of the Economist Intelli- 
gence Unit are vital for understanding trends in the Malagasy 
economy. (For further information and complete citations, see 
Bibliography.) 



87 



Chapter 2. Mauritius 



National emblem of Mauritius 



Country Profile 



Country 

Formal Name: Republic of Mauritius. 
Short Name: Mauritius. 
Term for Citizens: Mauritian (s). 
Capital: Port Louis. 

Date of Independence: March 12, 1968 (from Britain). 

Geography 

Size: Approximately 1 ,865 square kilometers. 

Topography: Includes Rodrigues Island, some 600 kilometers 
east, and some uninhabited coralline islands; Mauritius and 
Rodrigues part of volcanic chain of Mascarene Islands. 
Mauritius part of broken ring of mountain ranges (about 18 
percent) encircling central tableland (about 25 percent), with 
low-lying coastal plains (about 46 percent) and coral reefs 
offshore. Numerous rivers and streams. 

Climate: Below about 400-meter level, humid, subtropical 
climate. Above that level more temperate. Two seasons: hot 
and wet summer, November through April, including cyclones 
December through March; cool and dry winter, May through 
October. Overall average 200 centimeters of rain annually. 

Society 

Population: In mid-1993 estimated at 1,106,516 with 
population growth rate of 0.95 percent. Density more than 537 
inhabitants per square kilometer. 

Ethnic Groups: Constitution recognizes four population 
categories: Hindus (about 52 percent in 1989), general 
population (about 29 percent in 1989), Muslims (about 16 



91 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

percent in 1989), and Sino-Mauritians (about 3 percent in 
1989). Ancestors of Hindus and Muslims came from Indian 
subcontinent; most Sino-Mauritians from Hunan; general 
category represents all others, including Europeans, Creoles. 

Languages: English (official), Creole, French, Hindi, Bhojpuri, 
and Tamil. 

Religion: In 1990 Hindu (49 percent), Christian (27 percent 
Roman Catholic, 0.5 percent Protestant), Muslim (16 percent, 
of which 95 percent Sunni), and other (7.5 percent). 

Education: Follows British system, free through postsecondary 
level. University of Mauritius and other postsecondary 
institutions exist. Overall literacy in 1990: 80 percent; 85 
percent for males and 75 percent for females. 

Health: Government health services accessible to most of 
population. In 1994 life expectancy at birth estimated at: 70.5 
years overall, 74.6 for females, 66.6 years for males. In 1994 
infant mortality 18.4 per 1,000 live births. 

Economy 

Gross Domestic Product: 1993 estimate US$8.6 billion, with 
growth rate of 5.5 percent, and inflation rate of 10.5 percent. 

Agriculture: Sugar major crop covering more than 90 percent 
of cultivated land; more than 500,000 tons annually exported 
under Lome Convention. Other products: tea, fresh vege- 
tables, tobacco, cut flowers; livestock raising and fishing. 

Industry: Industrial development accelerated by establishment 
of export processing zones (EPZs) in 1971; textiles and wearing 
apparel main products; efforts at diversification since 1991. 
Tourism and construction other major industries. 

Exports: 1992 EPZ exports estimated at US$1.3 billion; major 
markets Britain, France, United States, and Germany. 

Imports: 1992 imports estimated at US$1.6 billion; major 
products: manufactured goods, capital equipment, food, 
petroleum products, chemicals; major sources: France, South 



92 



Mauritius 



Africa, Britain, and Japan. 

Balance of Payments: 1992 trade deficit US$370 million. 

Currency and Exchange Rate: 1 Mauritian rupee (MauR) = 100 
cents. August 1995 exchange rate US$1.00 = MauR14.43. 

Fiscal Year: July 1-June 30. 

Fiscal Policy: 1992-94 development plan stressed private sector 
and free market, aimed at 6 percent annual growth rate. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

Highways: In 1984 out of 1,800 kilometers 1,640 paved. 
Ports: Port Louis. 

Airports: Two of four airports have permanent-surface run- 
ways. 

Telecommunications: Good, small system using mainly 
microwave radio relay; more than 48,000 telephones; two radio 
stations; four television stations; one Indian Ocean 
International Telecommunications Satellite Corporation 
(Intelsat) earth station. 

Government and Politics 

Government: Patterned on British system; political party with 
majority support in National Assembly chooses prime minister, 
who selects cabinet. National Assembly has elected 
representatives from twenty three-member constituencies and 
one two-member district on Rodrigues. Also eight seats for 
"best losers": two each for Hindus, Muslims, Chinese, and 
general population. Mauritius became republic in 1992; 
president appointed by prime minister and approved by 
assembly has titular function. Supreme Court heads judicial 
system, based on Napoleonic Code and English common law. 
Local government not specified in 1968 constitution, but all 
councils elected. 

Politics: Numerous political parties of which government 



93 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



consists of coalition of Militant Socialist Movement (MSM), 
Mauritian Militant Movement (MMM), and several others; 
opposition led by Mauritian Labor Party (MLP) and Mauritian 
Social Democratic Party (PMSD). 

Foreign Relations: Member of Commonwealth of Nations; has 
particularly strong relations with Britain, France, India, and, 
since 1990, South Africa. Mauritius supports Indian Ocean 
zone of peace; has tension with France over claim to Tromelin 
Island, 550 kilometers northwest. Some strain in relations with 
United States because of United States base on Diego Garcia 
Island. Growing trade relations with Hong Kong, Japan, and 
China. Member of Organization of African Unity. 

National Security 

Defense Forces: National Police Force, including paramilitary 
Special Mobile Force, Special Support Unit, and National 
Coast Guard. 



94 



XKENYA^SDMauaT Indian Ocean 

Sir ^ "7 \ 

(» SEYCHELLES , ' ^£ |i("/ynq 
TANZANIA \ 'S^NOS \ 

^••^ COMOROS I CABGAOOS \ 

±- MALAWI A 1 ca^os * 

V J J j SHOALS 

MOZAMBIQUE r /wAURmUS "OMGUESL 

\ 20 V / o\° 20 ~ 

\ / / REUNION . ./ 

j MADAGASCAR c n fFfl; 

ou 500 Mites 



Indian 
Ocean 




20° 15'- 



20°30 



Boundary representation 
not necessarily authoritative 



57=30' 





District boundary 


® 


National capital 


(§) 


District capital 





5 Kilometers 





5 Miles 



Figure 5. Mauritius: Administrative Divisions, 1 994 



96 



THE REPUBLIC OF MAURITIUS is a democratic and prosper- 
ous country whose entire population has ancestral origins else- 
where: Europe, Africa, India, and China. Until recently, the 
country's economy was dominated by the production and 
export of sugar, a legacy of its French and British colonial past. 
After independence in 1968, government-directed diversifica- 
tion efforts resulted in the rapid growth of tourism and a man- 
ufacturing sector producing mainly textiles for export. 

During French colonial rule, from 1767 to 1810, the capital 
and main port, Port Louis, became an important center for 
trade, privateering, and naval operations against the British. In 
addition, French planters established sugarcane estates and 
built up their fortunes at the expense of the labor of slaves 
brought from Africa. The French patois, or colloquial lan- 
guage, which evolved among these slaves and their freed 
descendants, referred to as Creole, has become the everyday 
language shared by most of the island's inhabitants. French is 
used in the media and literature, and the Franco-Mauritian 
descendants of the French settlers continue to dominate the 
sugar industry and economic life of modern Mauritius. 

The British captured the island in 1810 and gave up sover- 
eignty when Mauritius became independent in 1968. During 
this period, the French plantation aristocracy maintained its 
economic, and, to a certain degree, its political prominence. 
The British abolished slavery but provided for cheap labor on 
the sugar estates by bringing nearly 500,000 indentured work- 
ers from the Indian subcontinent. The political history of Mau- 
ritius in the twentieth century revolves around the gradual 
economic and political empowerment of the island's Indian 
majority. 

Mauritian independence was not gained without opposition 
and violence. Tensions were particularly marked between the 
Creole and Indian communities, which clashed often at elec- 
tion time, when the rising fortunes of the latter at the expense 
of the former were most apparent. Nonetheless, successive gov- 
ernments have, with varying success, attempted to work out a 
peaceful modus vivendi that considers the concerns of the 
island's myriad communities. 

These varied interests have contributed to a political culture 
that is occasionally volatile and highly fluid, characterized by 



97 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

shifting alliances. A notable lapse from democratic practices, 
however, occurred in 1971. The Mauritius Labor Party (MLP)- 
led coalition government of Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, 
faced with the radical and popular challenge of the Mauritian 
Militant Movement (Mouvement Militant Mauricien — MMM) 
and its allies in the unions, promulgated the Public Order Act, 
which banned many forms of political activity. This state of 
emergency lasted until 1976. The resilience and stability of 
Mauritian society, however, were demonstrated by the fact that 
an MMM-led government eventually gained power through the 
ballot box in 1982. 

Despite many differences, the major political parties have 
worked successfully toward the country's economic welfare. For 
this reason, Mauritius has evolved from a primarily agricultural 
monocrop economy marked by high unemployment, low sala- 
ries, and boom-or-bust cycles to one dominated by manufactur- 
ing, tourism, and expanding financial services. As Mauritius 
faces the future, it can look back on its dazzling economic per- 
formance in the 1980s and attempt to build on that success by 
continuing its tradition of political stability, foresight, and pru- 
dent development planning. 

Historical Setting 

Early Settlement 

Although there is no evidence of human habitation on Mau- 
ritius before the early seventeenth century, Phoenicians proba- 
bly visited the island about 2,000 years ago, and Malays and 
Arabs stopped on the island in subsequent centuries. The Por- 
tuguese charted the waters surrounding the island, which they 
called Ilha do Cirne (Island of the Swan), in the early sixteenth 
century. In 1638 the Dutch began colonizing the island, which 
they named after Maurice of Nassau, the stadthouder (head of 
state) of Holland. The island's first governor, Cornelius Sim- 
onsz Gooyer, presided over a small population of Dutch con- 
victs and slaves from Indonesia and Madagascar, who sought to 
export ambergris, ebony, and other resources. After twenty 
years, the colony failed, as did a second settlement established 
in 1664. Poor administration and harsh conditions forced the 
Dutch to withdraw permanently by 1710. In addition to presid- 
ing over the extinction of the dodo bird and leaving behind 
perhaps some runaway slaves, swarms of rats, and ravaged 



98 



Mauritius 



ebony forests, the Dutch introduced a plant that was to be 
prominent in the island's future — sugarcane. 

French efforts to colonize the area were more successful. 
Around 1638 they had taken the islands of Rodrigues and 
Reunion, and in 1715 an expedition of the French East India 
Company claimed Mauritius for France. The company estab- 
lished a settlement named lie de France on the island in 1722. 
The company ruled until 1764, when, after a series of inept 
governors and the bankruptcy of the company, Mauritius 
became a crown colony administered by the home govern- 
ment. One exception among the early company governors was 
Mahe de la Bourdonnais, who is still celebrated among Mauri- 
tians. During his tenure from 1735 to 1746, he presided over 
many improvements to the island's infrastructure and pro- 
moted its economic development. He made Mauritius the seat 
of government for all French territories in the region, built up 
Port Louis, and strengthened the sugar industry by building 
the island's first sugar refinery. He also brought the first Indian 
immigrants, who worked as artisans in the port city. 

Under French government rule, between 1764 and 1810, 
Port Louis gained prestige and wealth. The island's population 
increased, and its planters grew rich. Agricultural prosperity 
was achieved by exploiting cheap slave labor. Between 1767 
and 1797, the population reached 59,000 inhabitants, includ- 
ing 6,200 whites, 3,700 free persons, and 49,100 slaves; the pop- 
ulation in each category more than doubled during the period. 
Although the island's elite culture was distinctly French, its 
social structure became more complex as the population grew. 
Port Louis, open to free trade after the demise of the French 
East India Company, saw a major increase in shipping, espe- 
cially from Europe and North America. For example, from 
1786 to 1810 almost 600 ships from the United States called on 
Mauritius, and the United States established a consulate in Port 
Louis in 1794. Privateering was an even greater boon to the 
economy. 

News of the French Revolution reached Mauritius in 1790, 
prompting settlers unhappy with royal administration to estab- 
lish more representative forms of government: a colonial 
assembly and municipal councils. When a squadron arrived 
three years later, however, to enforce the new French govern- 
ment's abolition of slavery, the settlers turned the squadron 
back. Napoleon sent a new governor to the island in 1803, 
resulting in the dissolution of the assembly and councils. The 



99 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

waning of French hegemony in the region permitted a British 
force of 10,000, carried from the Indian subcontinent by a fleet 
of seventy ships, to land on Mauritius in 1810. The French 
capitulated to the British, but the British agreed to leave in 
place existing legal and administrative structures. The 1814 
Treaty of Paris awarded the island, together with the Seychelles 
and Rodrigues islands, to Britain. English became the official 
language, but French and Creole dominated. Few British immi- 
grants came to the colony. 

The plantation-owning Mauritians of French origin 
(Franco-Mauritians) resisted British attempts to eradicate sla- 
very. Finally, after much investigation, petitioning, and subter- 
fuge, the authorities abolished slavery in 1835. Plantation 
owners won several concessions from the government, how- 
ever, including a payment of 2.1 million pounds sterling and 
laws obliging freed slaves to remain on their former owner's 
land as "apprentices" for six years. Widespread desertions by 
"apprentices" forced the abolition of the laws in 1838, two years 
before schedule, and created a severe labor shortage. 

Rise of the Sugar Economy 

Under the British, Mauritius was no longer a free port. To 
compensate for the resulting loss in trade, the government 
encouraged sugar production. In 1825 Britain equalized the 
duty on sugar from all of its colonies, providing a strong stimu- 
lus for Mauritians to produce more sugar. Production leaped 
from 11,000 tons in 1825 to 21,000 tons in 1826; by 1854 pro- 
duction exceeded 100,000 tons. By the mid-nineteenth cen- 
tury, Mauritius had reached the apex of its importance in the 
world sugar market: it was Britain's main sugar-producing col- 
ony and produced 9.4 percent of the world's sugarcane 
between 1855 and 1859. Although overall production would 
continue to rise into the twentieth century, declines in world 
prices and a massive increase in production in other countries 
robbed Mauritius of its dominant role in subsequent years. 
Nonetheless, as sugar increased in economic importance, the 
percentage of food crop production dropped accordingly, and 
landownership became concentrated in large, profitable 
estates. 

Indentured workers from India replaced slaves as a source 
of cheap labor for the sugar plantations. Between 1834 and 
1910 (the last year of arrivals), 451,776 Indians migrated to 
Mauritius, the majority arriving before 1865. Because 157,639 



100 



Statue of Make de la Bourdonnais, an early governor appointed by the 
French East India Company, in Port Louis, the capital 
Courtesy Mari G. Borstelmann 

of these Indians left, the island had a net gain of 294,137 Indi- 
ans during the period. Most workers came from Bengal and 
Madras, under contract to work for at least ten years for low 
wages under harsh conditions. At the end of their contracts, 
workers supposedly had the option of returning home, but 
plantation owners often succeeded in eliminating this choice. 
Many plantation owners punished workers with beatings, 
hunted down those who ran away and imprisoned them, and 
unjustly withheld pay. In 1878 a labor law regularized the pay 
system, and in 1917 the indenture system formally ended. 
Moreover, a 1922 law permitted workers to choose their places 
of work. 

By 1871 more than 68 percent of the population was Indian, 
of which more than 25 percent had been born in Mauritius. In 
1931 the proportion of Indians in the population was the same, 
but more than 93 percent of them were natives. By contrast, 
Mauritius had no immigration from Africa. The freed slaves 
and their Creole offspring left the plantations to become fish- 
ers, dockworkers, and civil servants and formed about 20 per- 
cent of the population in 1931. A number of Chinese 



101 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

immigrated during the nineteenth century, and this group 
made up about 2 percent of the population in 1931. 

Starting in the 1860s, the island's sugar economy declined 
in the face of varied pressures. As sugar beet production and 
sugarcane production in other countries increased, world 
prices declined. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 shifted 
trade routes away from the Indian Ocean. And, in addition to 
regularly occurring droughts and cyclones, a deadly malaria 
epidemic killed more than 40,000 people between 1867 and 
1869. The Franco-Mauritian plantation owners responded in 
several ways. They cut costs by centralizing sugar production in 
fewer factories. Furthermore, to increase the profitability of 
their operations, from the 1870s to about 1920 the planters 
sold the less productive portions of their landholdings. The 
process was known as the grand morcellement, and it permitted 
many Indians who could put together enough capital to 
become small landowners. This meant that for the first time, 
sugar was produced on small plots with free labor. Between 
1864 and 1900, according to one scholar, Indians purchased 24 
million rupees worth of land. The Indian rupee became the 
island's official currency in 1876. By 1921 Indians owned about 
35 percent of the island's cultivated land. 

British Colonial Rule 

Colonial rule amounted to a thin layer of British administra- 
tive and judicial officials attempting to preside over an assertive 
and powerful Franco-Mauritian elite. Although many members 
of this elite derived their status and wealth from owning planta- 
tions, some were senior police officials and magistrates. Below 
the Franco-Mauritians on the ladder of social status were the 
Creoles, descendants of African slaves, some of mixed white 
descent, who tended to be francophone and generally support- 
ive of the Franco-Mauritians. In the nineteenth century, Indi- 
ans were at the bottom of the social ladder until their 
economic opportunities broadened. 

In 1831 the British introduced a constitution that provided 
for a Council of Government whose seven members were nom- 
inated by the governor. In an effort to win the support of the 
Franco-Mauritians, who wanted a greater voice in government, 
Governor John Pope-Hennessy expanded the council to 
include ten elected members from nine electoral districts in 
the constitution of 1886. The franchise was limited to wealthy 
property owners, who constituted a scant 2 percent of the adult 
population. Elected municipal councils also appeared in the 



102 



Mauritius 



nineteenth century, first in Port Louis and then in four other 
major towns. The British established district councils at the end 
of the nineteenth century. By 1907 the Creole middle class, led 
by Dr. Eugene Laurent, formed Liberal Action (Action 
Liberale), which sought to open up political and economic 
opportunities for themselves. Although it won Port Louis in the 
1911 elections against the Oligarchs, Liberal Action dissolved 
shortly thereafter. 

The Indo-Mauritians, who included both Hindus and Mus- 
lims, became active in the early twentieth century, thanks in 
part to the work of a lawyer from India named Manilal Magan- 
lall Doctor. Sent to Mauritius in 1907 at the behest of Mohan- 
das Gandhi (known as Mahatma Gandhi) , Manilal was a tireless 
and eloquent proponent of Indian rights. He sought to incul- 
cate a sense of self-respect in the community by teaching Mau- 
ritian Indians about their heritage, and he defended them in 
the courts against unscrupulous employers. Manilal also 
founded the Hindustani, a newspaper that expressed the con- 
cerns of the Indian community. 

In 1926 the first Indo-Mauritians were elected to the govern- 
ment council. This small victory, however, did not lead to bet- 
ter conditions in the community. Despite incremental 
improvements in contracts, wages, and working conditions on 
the sugar plantations and in processing plants, the work was as 
hard and daily life as precarious as they had been 100 years ear- 
lier. In addition, the boom-or-bust nature of the world sugar 
economy meant that only the upper classes were insulated 
from hardship during periods of low world demand. Dissatis- 
faction on the part of Indian workers and small planters 
sparked widespread rioting on Mauritius in 1937 and 1943, and 
a strike in 1938. 

During this period, Indian and Creole Mauritians formed 
several organizations aimed at improving labor laws and intro- 
ducing political reforms. Dr. Maurice Cure, a noted Creole pol- 
itician, founded the MLP in 1936. The party attracted urban 
Creole workers and rural Indian farmers. Another important 
group was the Indian Cultural Association, and a notable mem- 
ber of this group was Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, who would 
become the country's first prime minister. 

Toward Independence 

After World War II, the pace of constitutional reform quick- 
ened as Britain began to loosen its grip on its colonies. In Mau- 
ritius this transformation was presided over by Donald 



103 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Mackenzie Kennedy, governor from 1942 to 1949. A consulta- 
tive committee, which for the first time included representa- 
tives of all Mauritian communities, made suggestions for a new 
constitution. In addition to providing for a Legislative Council 
that was more representative, the new constitution expanded 
the franchise in 1947 to all adults able to write their names in 
any of the island's languages. In the 1948 election, eleven of 
the nineteen candidates winning seats in the Legislative Coun- 
cil were Hindu. However, Governor Mackenzie Kennedy 
assured the dominance of British and Franco-Mauritian inter- 
ests by nominating twelve conservatives to the body — some 
seats were appointed and others elected. This tactic was 
repeated after the 1953 election by Sir Hilary Blood, the new 
governor. 

A new constitution in 1958 included several changes that 
increased political participation. It provided for suffrage to 
adults over twenty-one years of age and divided the country 
into forty single-member constituencies that elected represen- 
tatives to the Legislative Council. Also, to assure representation 
of more constituencies, the constitution allowed the governor 
to appoint to the council "best losers," candidates whose sup- 
port was not quite enough to win their races. In the 1959 elec- 
tion, the MLP won twenty-three seats, the Independent 
Forward Block (IFB) five, the Committee for Muslim Action 
(Comite dAction Musulmane — CAM) five, the Mauritian Party 
(Parti Mauricien — PM) three, and Independents three. The 
governor awarded best-loser seats to the PM and to Chinese 
candidates. 

After negotiations among the major parties in 1961, the 
British decided that the winning party's leader in the 1963 elec- 
tion would become premier. In addition, the Legislative Coun- 
cil would become the Legislative Assembly, and the Executive 
Committee would become the Council of Ministers. The new 
government would be responsible for all but the island's 
defense, internal security, and foreign affairs. Although the PM 
leader, Gaetan Duval, put up strong competition, the MLP, 
under Ramgoolam, won the election with nineteen seats. Leery 
that a Hindu victory would jeopardize its economic position, 
the Creole community expressed unease and opposition in 
May 1965 riots that left several dead. 

A constitutional conference held in London in 1965, with 
members of all political parties present, decided that the island 
should become independent from Britain as soon as general 



104 



Mauritius 



elections returned a party in favor of such a notion. Some par- 
ties, however, opposed independence. The Franco-Mauritian 
community and many of the island's Creoles backed the Mauri- 
tian Social Democratic Party (Parti Mauricien Social 
Democrate — PMSD, formerly the PM), which strongly advo- 
cated continued "free association" with Britain. The PMSD rep- 
resentatives walked out of the constitutional conference when 
it became apparent that one price for independence would be 
the incorporation of the Chagos Archipelago (formerly admin- 
istered from Mauritius) into the planned British Indian Ocean 
Territory (BIOT) along with portions of Seychelles. Other con- 
ferees, represented by the CAM, feared that their constituents 
would be placed at a disadvantage. In the end, the CAM joined 
the MLP and the IFB to form the winning coalition in the deci- 
sive general election of August 7, 1967. A Commonwealth of 
Nations observer team was satisfied that the highly participa- 
tory election was fair. The winning coalition took thirty-nine of 
the sixty-two seats in the assembly. 

Independent Mauritius 

On August 22, 1967, Prime Minister Ramgoolam moved 
that the assembly request independence according to arrange- 
ments made previously with Britain. The new nation came into 
being on March 12, 1968, as an independent member of the 
Commonwealth. 

Over the years, some elections have been marked by ethnic 
discord; voting in 1948, 1953, 1959, and 1967, for example, was 
split roughly along ethnic lines. The Indo-Mauritian majority 
gained progressively at the expense of other groups as suffrage 
was extended. More significant was the ethnic rioting in 1964 
and 1968. In May 1964, Hindu and Creole communities 
clashed in the village of Trois Boutiques, outside Souillac. One 
police officer and one Franco-Mauritian were killed. In early 
1968, just six weeks before independence, violence between 
Creoles and Muslims in the nation's capital left at least twenty- 
five people dead and hundreds injured before British troops 
quelled the fighting. 

Most Mauritians deplored these outbreaks of violence, and 
the government responded to both by declaring a state of 
emergency. One consequence of the unrest was an amendment 
to the constitution in 1969 extending the first parliament to 
1976. Another effect was the entry of the PMSD into the ruling 



105 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

coalition, and the departure of the IFB to form a small opposi- 
tion party. 

Social and economic conditions after World War II contrib- 
uted to the political conflicts. As the provision of health, educa- 
tion, pension, and other public welfare services expanded, 
expectations began to rise. The eradication of malaria and par- 
asitic diseases in the 1940s and 1950s improved the life expect- 
ancy of the poor and helped fuel a population increase of 3 
percent per year. Family planning measures reduced the popu- 
lation growth rate in the 1960s and 1970s, but the labor force 
continued to increase rapidly. Registered unemployment stood 
at more than 12 percent of the work force on the eve of inde- 
pendence. 

The unemployed, especially the youth, rallied behind a new 
political party, the MMM, formed in 1969. Its organizers were 
Paul Berenger (a Franco-Mauritian), Dev Virahsawmy (a 
Telegu speaker), and Jooneed Jeerooburkhan (a Muslim). 
They appealed to poor and working-class Mauritians of all 
backgrounds with their radical program of socialist change. An 
early show of strength for the party was a by-election victory in 
the prime minister's district in 1970. With widespread union 
support, the MMM called a number of debilitating strikes in 

1971, demanding better benefits for workers and elections by 

1972, the year previously mandated. Four PMSD members 
made attempts on the lives of Virahsawmy and Berenger in 
November 1971. The authorities placed many of the party's 
leadership and rank and file in jail under the Public Order Act 
of 1971. The government also banned political meetings, sus- 
pended twelve unions, and closed Le Militant, the MMM news- 
paper. The government extended the state of emergency until 
1976, proscribing most political opposition. 

The MMM succeeded in placing the issue of job creation 
high on the list of priorities for the country's first economic 
development plan, covering 1971-75. The plan called for addi- 
tional jobs in manufacturing and in agriculture outside sugar 
production. It also initiated a program called Work for All (Tra- 
vail pour Tous), which created the Development Works Corpo- 
ration (DWC) to hire laborers for public construction and 
relief projects. These policies, high sugar prices, growth in 
tourism, and the success of the newly created export processing 
zones (EPZs) helped reduce the unemployment rate to 7 per- 
cent by 1976. 



106 



Mauritius 



The slow economic progress enabled the MMM to make sig- 
nificant gains in the closely fought 1976 general elections; the 
party won 40 percent of the vote and thirty-four of the seventy 
assembly seats. Part of the MMM's success came from the lower- 
ing of the voting age to eighteen in 1975, which allowed the 
party to garner the youth vote across ethnic lines. In addition, 
the ruling coalition hurt itself by nominating incompetent and 
corrupt candidates, failing to win the support of trade unions, 
and maintaining unpopular positions regarding the Chagos 
Archipelago and the United States military presence on Diego 
Garcia. (The MMM favored returning to Mauritian sovereignty 
the Chagos Archipelago, of which Diego Garcia was a part.) 

The MLP and the PMSD, both of which had declined in 
popularity since the previous election, formed a coalition gov- 
ernment to lock the MMM out of power. This government was 
plagued by internal division: MLP chief whip Harish Boodhoo 
broke off to form the Mauritian Socialist Party (Parti Socialiste 
Mauricien — PSM). In addition, the government suffered from 
political corruption scandals, poor economic performance, 
and the destructive effects of cyclones each year from 1979 to 
1981. These and other factors were instrumental in the 1982 
electoral victory of a new MMM-PSM coalition. In a concession 
to Hindu political sensibilities, Anerood Jugnauth was named 
prime minister. Paul Berenger served as minister of finance. 
Faced with the realities of governing the country, including 
heavy obligations to the International Monetary Fund (IMF — 
see Glossary) and the World Bank (see Glossary), the govern- 
ment backed away from the radical policies the MMM 
espoused when it was in opposition. It succeeded in expanding 
regional cooperation abroad and worked at modest national- 
ization and job creation at home. The ruling coalition broke 
up in less than a year, however, and new elections were held in 
August 1983. 

Prime Minister Jugnauth founded a new party, the Militant 
Socialist Movement (Mouvement Socialiste Militant), subse- 
quently renamed the Mauritian Socialist Movement (Mouve- 
ment Socialiste Mauricien — MSM) after combining with the 
PSM. The MSM joined during the 1983 election with the MLP 
and the PMSD to win comfortably. In 1984 some MLP mem- 
bers fell out with the government after several MLP ministers 
were dismissed. Those MLP members who stayed in the ruling 
coalition, called the Alliance, formed the Assembly of Mauri- 
tian Workers (Rassemblement des Travaillistes Mauriciens — 



107 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

RTM). In December 1985, however, the government suffered 
several setbacks that would trouble it for many months to 
come: MMM municipal election victories; the death of Ram- 
goolam, a close adviser to Jugnauth and a respected figure in 
national politics; and a drug scandal involving four Alliance 
deputies caught with twenty-one kilograms of heroin at the 
Amsterdam airport. In a surprising electoral victory in 1987, 
the Alliance retained power, thanks in large part to Jugnauth's 
handling of the economy. The MMM, under the leadership of 
Dr. Prem Nababsing, won twenty-one seats and was allotted 
three best-loser seats. 

Beginning with the PMSD's defection in August 1988, the 
Alliance began to unravel. The MSM thwarted the growing 
political threat posed by a resurgent MLP by forging an alli- 
ance with the MMM, built in part on the promise of making 
Mauritius a republic. The MSM/MMM coalition won a con- 
vincing victory in September 1991 and quickly passed changes 
in the constitution that led to the declaration of Mauritius as a 
republic in March 1992. 

Physical Environment 

Geography 

The island of Mauritius lies about 800 kilometers east of 
Madagascar between longitudes 57° 18' and 57°49' east, and lati- 
tudes 19°59' and 20°32' south. Pearl-shaped, it is sixty-one kilo- 
meters long and forty-six kilometers wide at the extremes and 
has a total land area of some 1,865 square kilometers — about 
the size of Rhode Island. Mauritian territory also incorporates 
the island of Rodrigues, some 600 kilometers to the east, which 
is 119 square kilometers in area. Two tiny dependencies to the 
north of Mauritius, the Agalega Islands and the Cargados Cara- 
jos Shoals (also known as the St. Brandon Rocks), are unpopu- 
lated (see fig. 5). Nonetheless, their location permits the 
nation's exclusive economic zone (EEZ — see Glossary) to cover 
about 1.2 million square kilometers of the Indian Ocean. Just 
off the Mauritian coast lie some twenty uninhabited islands. 
Mauritius and France both claim sovereignty over Tromelin, 
483 kilometers to the northwest. Mauritius sought to regain 
sovereignty, lost just before independence in 1968, over the 
Chagos Archipelago (1,931 kilometers to the northeast) , which 
includes the Diego Garcia atoll. 



108 



Mountain view in Mauritius 
Courtesy Mari G. Borstelmann 



Mauritius and Rodrigues are part of the Mascarene Islands, 
a chain of volcanic islands that include Reunion, the nation's 
nearest neighbor at 145 kilometers to the southwest and gov- 
erned as an overseas territory (departement) of France. The 
islands are perched on submarine ridges, including the Mas- 
carene Plateau, which runs for some 3,000 kilometers in an arc 
bowed outward from the African mainland, and the Rodrigues 
Fracture Zone, which ripples eastward and connects this under- 
water plateau with the massive Mid-Indian Ridge. 

Mauritius is relatively young geologically, having been cre- 
ated by volcanic activity some 12 million years ago. There has 
been no active volcano on the island for more than 100,000 
years. The island consists of a broken ring of mountain ranges, 
some 600 to 800 meters above sea level, encircling a central 
tableland that slopes from a level of 300 meters in the north to 
600 meters in the southwest. The mountains are surrounded by 
low-lying, sometimes hilly, coastal plains, except in the south- 
west where the drop-off is precipitous. The mountains are 
steepest toward the center of the island and are probably the 
tips of the eroded original shield volcano. The sea has built up 
a ring of coral reefs around most of the 160 kilometers of coast- 
line, which form many shallow lagoons, white coral sand 



109 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

beaches, and dunes. Two of the best harbors are Port Louis and 
Mahebourg. Politically, the island is divided into eight adminis- 
trative divisions called districts and one municipality where the 
capital, Port Louis, is located. 

Lowland plains and gentiy undulating slopes cover about 46 
percent of the total land area. Low-lying plains make up most 
of the Pamplemousses, Riviere du Rempart, and Flacq districts; 
southern Grand Port District; the heavily populated northwest- 
ern section of Plaines Wilhems District from Beau Bassin to 
Quatre Bornes and to the sea; and smaller areas around 
Chemin Grenier. These areas are planted with sugarcane and 
mixed vegetable crops. The districts of Port Louis and Black 
River and the more hilly interior plains leading up to the table- 
land support tea, rice, and sugarcane cultivation and include 
areas of savanna and scrub forest. 

The central tableland covers about a quarter of the island. A 
large plateau spans most of the districts of Moka, eastern 
Plaines Wilhems, and western Grand Port, where mostly sugar- 
cane and vegetables are harvested, except around Curepipe 
and Vacoas, where tea is grown. The southern part of the table- 
land — in the districts of Black River, Savanne, and southern 
Plaines Wilhems — is much smaller and heavily dissected with a 
diverse topography. It contains tea and forest plantations, 
including reserves of indigenous trees. 

Mountains cover about 18 percent of the terrain. The Moka- 
Long Mountain Range is situated in the northwest near Port 
Louis, and its highest peak is Pieter Both (823 meters). The 
Riviere Noire Mountains and Savanne Mountains are in the 
west and southwest, where Mont Piton of the Petite Riviere 
Noire (828 meters) is the highest point on the island. The 
mountains are broken into four ridges that produce deep val- 
leys, gorges, and waterfalls. The Grand Port Range lies in the 
east, and to its north are the isolated Mont Blanche (520 
meters) and Fayences Mountain (425 meters). 

Rivers and streams dot the island; many of them are formed 
in the crevices between land created by new and old lava flows. 
Drainage radiates from the central tableland to the sea, and 
many rivers are steeply graded with rapids and falls. Torrential 
flows are common during storms and cyclones. Marshes and 
ponds lie in the tableland and on the coastal plain, but the 
country has only two natural lakes, both crater lakes. The larg- 
est of several man-made reservoirs is the Mare aux Vacoas. 



110 



Mauritius 



Rodrigues Island was formed earlier than Mauritius, but in a 
similar fashion. It sits lengthwise on an east-west axis, along 
which runs a spine-like mountain range some 600 meters above 
sea level. The north-south spurs of these mountains cut deep 
crevices into the terrain. 

The other dependencies of Mauritius are coralline rather 
than volcanic islands. The two Agalega islands are connected 
by a sandbar and covered with coconut palms. The Cargados 
Carajos Shoals are a group of more than twenty islands, none 
more than one square kilometer in area, which are primarily 
fishing stations. 

Climate 

Mauritius has two kinds of climate. Below the 400-meter 
level on most of the windward (southeastern) side of the island 
and below 450 meters on the leeward side, a humid, subtropi- 
cal climate prevails. Above these altitudes, the climate is more 
temperate, but there is no sharp break, and variations in expo- 
sure, altitude, and distance from the sea produce a wide range 
of patterns. The island has two seasons. The hot and wet sum- 
mer lasts from November through April. February is the warm- 
est month with temperatures averaging 27°C in the lowlands 
and 22°C on the plateau. Cyclones occur from December 
through March, and the storms, which come from the north- 
east, have caused much destruction on the island over the 
years. For example, Cyclone Hollanda hit Mauritius February 
10, 1994, leaving 1,400 persons homeless, and damaging 60 
percent of the electrical system and 50 percent of the tele- 
phone network, as well as destroying between 20 and 30 per- 
cent of the sugarcane plantations. The overall cost of this 
cyclone was estimated at US$81 million. 

Winter, lasting from May through October, is cool and dry, 
influenced by the steady southeasterly trade winds. July is the 
coolest month and has average temperatures of 22°C in the 
lowlands and 16°C in the plateau. Rainfall is abundant, ranging 
from 90 centimeters per year in the western lowlands to 500 
centimeters in the tableland — an average of 200 centimeters 
per year overall. Nonetheless, the high rate of evaporation and 
uneven distribution necessitate irrigation. Humidity is fre- 
quently above 80 percent. 

Mauritius has fertile soil that supports a variety of vegeta- 
tion. All but 1 percent of the native hardwood forests that once 
covered most of the island have been cut down, threatening 



111 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

the survival of several bird species. Sugarcane is now the domi- 
nant crop, covering half the arable land, but other cash and 
food crops are grown as well. Coral reefs and marine life off the 
northwest coast have been hurt by pollution, mainly from large 
hotels. To prevent the destruction caused by rapid and poorly 
planned development and in response to foreign criticism for 
its lack of environmental protection, the government estab- 
lished the Ministry of the Environment in 1990. In July 1991, 
the legislature passed the Environmental Protection Act, which 
requires an environmental impact assessment for all new 
projects. The ministry has also established standards for exist- 
ing industry, followed by inspections. Steps are being taken to 
induce the construction industry to shift from the use of coral 
sand (in the early 1990s, the building trade used 600,000 tons 
of coral sand annually) to basaltic sand. Marine parks are being 
zoned to protect coral and marine life, and a sewerage master 
plan is being developed to prevent the discharge of untreated 
sewage into the ocean. Solid waste management is upgrading 
the handling of waste, and the principle of "the polluter must 
pay" is being introduced. 

Society and Culture 

Population and Demography 

The estimated population of Mauritius in July 1993 was 
1,106,516 with a population growth rate of 0.95 percent for 
1993. According to the 1990 census, the population was 
1,065,988, of whom 34,292 lived on Rodrigues and 170 on 
outer islands. The country's population density, more than 537 
inhabitants per square kilometer, is one of the highest in the 
world. The majority of the island's inhabitants are young; some 
58.6 percent were under the age of twenty-nine in 1990. The 
capital, Port Louis, is the largest city, with a population of 
142,645. Other large metropolitan areas, in descending order, 
are Beau Bassin-Rose Hill, Vacoas-Phoenix, Curepipe, and Qua- 
tre Bornes. In 1991 the population was relatively evenly divided 
between those residing in rural and urban areas. 

The rate of population increase grew to between 3 percent 
and 4 percent in the 1950s, resulting, in large part, from the 
elimination of malaria, higher living standards, and improved 
health care. Worried that such high growth rates would impede 
the island's development and tax its resources, the government 
and private groups instituted extensive family planning efforts. 



112 



Mauritius 



Family planning services were centralized under the adminis- 
tration of the Maternal and Child Health Care Division of the 
Ministry of Health in 1972, and together with the non-govern- 
mental Action Familiale, which promoted natural techniques 
of birth control, reduced the country's birthrate significantly. 
The rate dropped to around 2 percent in the 1960s, and fell to 
1.1 percent in 1973. In the 1980s, the rate fell below 1 percent. 
According to a Ministry of Health publication, the following 
methods of birth control were used in 1985: birth control pills, 
40 percent; barrier methods, 21 percent; natural methods, 16 
percent; intrauterine device (IUD), 10 percent; tubal ligation, 
8 percent; Depo Provera, 5 percent. Abortion is illegal, but a 
Mauritian family planning official has estimated that there is 
one abortion for every live birth. The crude birthrate in 1991 
was 20.7 births per 1,000 population, and the crude death rate 
stood at 6.6 per 1,000. 

Ethnicity, Religion, and Language 

The forebears of the various ethnic groups composing Mau- 
ritian society arrived as settlers, slaves, indentured laborers, 
and immigrants. Although the country's past contains dark 
chapters of inequality and exploitation, modern Mauritian his- 
tory has been remarkable for its relatively smooth and peaceful 
transition from colonial rule and the rule of large plantation 
owners to multiparty democracy. 

"Harmonious separatism" is the way in which one writer 
characterizes communal relations in Mauritius. The term, how- 
ever, does not preclude the existence of tensions. Ethnicity, 
religion, and language have been important factors in shaping 
the way Mauritians relate to each other in the political and 
social spheres. And despite the fact that sectarian factors are 
less of a determining factor in people's social and political 
behavior, they remain an important clue to the people's past 
and self-identity. 

The 1968 constitution recognized four population catego- 
ries: Hindus, Muslims, Sino-Mauritians, and the general popu- 
lation. According to a 1989 estimate, of a total population of 
1,080,000, Hindus constituted about 52 percent (559,440); the 
general population, about 29 percent (309,960); Muslims, 
about 16 percent (179,280); and Sino-Mauritians, about 3 per- 
cent (31,320). 

The ancestors of the Hindu and Muslim populations came 
predominantly from the Indian subcontinent, and, from the 



113 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

censuses of 1846 to 1952, were classified as "Indo-M?uritians." 
The ancestral language of most Hindus is Hindi or Bhojpuri, 
with a minority of Tamil or Telegu speakers. Hindu immigrants 
brought with them the caste system. Upon arrival on the island, 
many members of lower castes upgraded their status to join the 
Vaish middle caste. Although the caste system wa; not sup- 
ported by the occupational structure as in India, minority 
members of the high Brahmin and Khsatriya castes sometimes 
joined with the Vaish to exclude lower castes from top civil ser- 
vice and political jobs. For the most part, however, the caste sys- 
tem is not an important factor in social organization and, if 
anything, lingers mainly as a basis for choosing spouses. Most 
of the Hindu population adheres to the orthodox rituals of the 
Sanatanist branch of the religion. These Hindus observe their 
rituals in rural community centers called baitkas. The Arya 
Samajists adhere to a reform branch of Hinduism popular with 
the lower classes and instrumental in the Indo-Mauritian com- 
munity's political and cultural development in the early years 
of the twentieth century. 

The Muslim population is approximately 95 percent Sunni 
and Hindi-speaking. Other languages include Bhojpuri, Guja- 
rati, Urdu, and Arabic. The principal place of worship is the 
Jummah Mosque in Port Louis, but there are many smaller 
mosques in the towns and villages. Among the Shia (see Glos- 
sary) minority, some have their origins in different parts of 
India, others are adherents of the Agha Khan from East Africa, 
and still others are Ahmadists from the Punjab. 

The earliest Chinese immigrants to the island came from 
the Canton region and spoke Cantonese, but most Sino-Mauri- 
tians descend from Mandarin-speaking settlers from Hunan. 
Some adhere to Buddhism and other Chinese religions, but 
many converted to Roman Catholicism in the twentieth cen- 
tury. 

Unlike members of these specific population categories, 
those grouped under the general population rubric do not 
share close ethnic and cultural bonds. Members of the general 
population have in common only the fact that they do not 
belong to the other three groups. This category includes 
Franco-Mauritians, other European immigrants, and Creoles. 
The Creoles are ethnically diverse, some with black African 
ancestry, others of mixed descent, and still others from parts of 
Asia. They share a common language, which is a patois based 
on French, and the Roman Catholic religion. 



114 



Mauritius 



In the past, a close association existed between certain occu- 
pations and ethnic groups. Although these patterns persist, 
they are changing. The Chinese, for example, predominate in 
commerce, as store owners and assistants, and in the restaurant 
and casino businesses. Hindus form the majority of agricultural 
workers, and members of the Muslim and Creole populations 
are artisans. African Creoles tend to be dockworkers, fishers, 
transportation workers, or service employees. Franco-Mauri- 
tians dominate the sugar industry and own most of the hotels, 
banks, and manufacturing industries. The civil service attracts 
educated members of all groups. 

Mauritian society is noteworthy for its high degree of reli- 
gious tolerance. Mauritians often share in the observances of 
religious groups other than their own. In part as a result of the 
multiplicity of religions, Mauritius has more than twenty 
national holidays. In addition, the government grants subsidies 
to all major religious groups according to their membership. 
According to the 1990 census, 49 percent of the population was 
Hindu, 27 percent Roman Catholic, 16 percent Muslim, and 
0.5 percent Protestant; 7.5 percent belonged to other groups. 

Language is perhaps the most complex and perplexing 
aspect of the Mauritian social mosaic. This intricacy derives 
from the number of languages spoken, combined with the uses 
to which they are put and the sociopolitical connotations they 
bear. Philip Baker and Peter Stein, scholars studying language 
use in Mauritius, have found that English is associated with 
"knowledge," French with "culture," Creole with "egalitarian- 
ism," and other languages with "ancestral heritage." Conse- 
quently, although Creole is the most widely spoken language in 
the country, French predominates in the media, and English is 
the official language of government and school instruction. 

The growing use of Creole by non-Creole Mauritians 
reflects a widespread movement away from ethnically based 
language use. Among Muslims and Sino-Mauritians, for exam- 
ple, Creole is the principal language. According to the 1983 
census, the top five languages were: Creole, 54.1 percent; 
Bhojpuri, 20.4 percent; Hindi, 11.5 percent; French, 3.7 per- 
cent; and Tamil, 3.7 percent. These figures indicate the princi- 
pal language used in the home. Most Mauritians, however, 
speak several languages. 

Education 

The education system in Mauritius, patterned after the Brit- 
ish model, has improved greatly since independence. It has 



115 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

been free through the secondary level since 1976 and through 
the postsecondary level since 1988. The government has made 
an effort to provide adequate funding for education, occasion- 
ally straining tight budgets. In 1991-92, reflecting the trend of 
earlier budgets, the government allocated 13 percent (Mauri- 
tian rupee — MauR; see Glossary — 1.5 billion) for education, 
culture, and art. Nonetheless, facilities in rural areas tend to be 
less adequate than those in Port Louis and other cities. Literacy 
in 1990 for the population over fifteen years of age on the 
island of Mauritius was 80 percent overall, 85 percent for 
males, and 75 percent for females. 

In 1979 the government established a new unit in the Minis- 
try of Education and Cultural Affairs to oversee and coordinate 
teaching resources at some 900 private preschools. The increas- 
ing participation of women in the labor force necessitated the 
expansion of the preschool system. The government estab- 
lished public preschools in 1984. Primary education (standard 
1-6) is compulsory, and 6,507 teachers taught 137,491 students 
in 283 schools in 1990, representing an estimated 92 percent of 
children in that age-group. During the same period at the sec- 
ondary level (forms 1-6), 3,728 teachers taught 78,110 stu- 
dents in 124 schools. As in the British system, students must 
pass standardized exams at several stages to be able to continue 
their studies. About 50 to 60 percent of primary students pass 
the exam for admission to secondary school. In 1986, 60.7 per- 
cent of the form 5 students taking the School Certificate exam 
passed; not all went on to form 6. In the same year, 53.7 per- 
cent of the form 6 students taking the Higher School Certifi- 
cate exam passed. In addition to government schools, there are 
many private primary and secondary schools, but statistical 
data on these are lacking. 

The country's principal institution of higher education is 
the University of Mauritius, where 1,190 students were enrolled 
in 1991. Other postsecondary institutions include the Mauri- 
tius Institute of Education for teacher training; the Mauritius 
College of the Air, which broadcasts classes; and the Mahatma 
Gandhi Institute. Of the several hundred Mauritians studying 
abroad each year, most go to Britain, France, and India. In 
addition, 1,190 students were enrolled at eleven vocational 
training centers, and 690 were taking courses at three technical 
institutions and five handicraft training centers in 1991. 

From standard 4 onward, English is the sole language of 
instruction. Before that, teachers use Creole and Bhojpuri 



116 



Mauritius 



when teaching English to those students who do not already 
know it. From standard 3 onward, French is a required course. 
Students may also take classes in several Asian languages. 

The government of Mauritius regards education as a sphere 
of utmost importance in its move toward the "second stage" of 
economic development, namely becoming a newly industrial- 
ized country. Therefore, at a donors' meeting in Paris in 
November 1991, the minister of education presented an ambi- 
tious Education Master Plan for the years 1991-2000. The plan 
calls for expanding education at all levels, from preprimary 
through university, through the establishment of new schools 
and the improvement of existing facilities, especially technical 
and vocational education; the latter is an area that to date has 
not provided the technical skills required by island industries. 
Despite the population's 95 percent literacy rate for those 
under thirty years of age, government officials have been con- 
cerned at the high dropout rate, especially at the secondary 
level. University places are also being increased to 5,000, and 
new courses of study are being introduced. The donor 
response to the plan was very favorable. The World Bank 
pledged US$20 million, the African Development Bank US$15 
million, and other donors an additional US$14 million. 

Media 

The news media in Mauritius, especially the press, are lively 
and free. During the 1970s, the government attempted to 
impose some restrictions, particularly on those newspapers 
opposed to its policies, but fierce opposition led to the elimina- 
tion of the laws. 

There were five French dailies (the two principal ones being 
L'Express and Le Mauricien) and two small Chinese dailies with a 
combined circulation of more than 80,000 in 1993. Several 
weekly, biweekly, and monthly papers and magazines are also 
published, some of them in English. Most of the printed media 
are in the hands of political parties, religious organizations, or 
private firms. 

The government controls the Mauritius Broadcasting Cor- 
poration (MBC), which regulates television and radio broad- 
casting. Mauritius has two television and two radio stations, 
which broadcast in twelve languages. About 50 percent of MBC 
broadcasts are in French, 25 percent in Hindi or Bhojpuri, 14 
percent in English, and 11 percent in other languages. Most 



117 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Mauritians also receive French television broadcasts from 
Reunion. 

Health and Welfare 

Government-funded health services and facilities are wide- 
spread and accessible to most of the population, although facil- 
ities are concentrated in urban centers. According to data from 
the Ministry of Economic Planning and Development, between 
1972 and 1987 the number of doctors per 100,000 population 
increased from twenty-seven to eighty. The number of hospital 
beds decreased from 328 to 285 per 100,000 population in the 
same period. In 1992 Mauritius had 3,094 hospital beds, and 
1,090 physicians (including 152 specialists). Life expectancy at 
birth in 1994 on the island of Mauritius was 74.6 years for 
females and 66.6 years for males, for an overall life expectancy 
of 70.5 years. In 1994 infant mortality stood at 18.4 per 1,000 
live births. In its 1991-92 national budget, the government 
allocated 7.7 percent (about US$57.9 million) to health care. 

Malaria, tuberculosis, and other diseases prevalent in pre- 
World War II years have been brought under control by suc- 
cessful public health measures. The major causes of death in 
1990, in descending order, were diseases of the circulatory sys- 
tem, diseases of the respiratory system, and cancer. With grow- 
ing affluence and changes in social conditions, drug abuse has 
become a problem. By 1993 all the population had easy access 
to potable water. Nutritional standards are high; the daily per 
capita caloric intake in 1987 was 2,680, or 124 percent of the 
United Nations (UN) Food and Agriculture Organization rec- 
ommended requirement. 

In the early 1980s, forty social welfare centers and thirty vil- 
lage centers provided training in nutrition and maternal and 
child health care, as well as recreational facilities and courses in 
home economics and dressmaking. The government provides 
services, including board and lodging, to the elderly and the 
infirm. Family welfare allowances are also available for the 
poor. The Central Housing Authority and the Mauritius Hous- 
ing Corporation provide funding for low-income housing. 

Role of Women 

As in other industrializing countries, the role of women is 
changing rapidly. A major force for change has been the rapid 
influx of women into the many jobs created in the 1980s in the 
export processing zones (EPZs — see Industry and Commerce, 



118 



Opera house, Port Louis 
Courtesy Mari G. Borstelmann 



this ch.). Although low-paying for the most part, the jobs allow 
women formerly confined to the roles of mother and wife to 
gain a certain degree of personal and social freedom. One 
woman, in a 1993 National Geographic article, said: 

For a Mauritian woman, to work is to be free. Before, 
a girl could not leave home until her parents found a 
husband for her, and then she moved into her hus- 
band's family's home and spent the rest of her life hav- 
ing babies. I met my husband at work, and it was my 
decision to marry him. Now we live in our own house. 

The government has taken measures to promote equality of 
the sexes by repealing discriminatory laws dealing with inherit- 
ance and emigration. In 1989 the government appointed equal 
opportunity officers in the principal ministries to deal with 
women's issues. Reports by the Ministry of Women's Rights and 
Family Welfare and others indicate, however, that violence 



119 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

against women is prevalent. The increased employment of 
women has created the need for more child-care services and 
for more labor-saving devices in the home. 

Economy 

The Mauritian economy has undergone remarkable trans- 
formations since independence. From a poor country with 
high unemployment exporting mainly sugar and buffeted by 
the vagaries of world demand, Mauritius has become relatively 
prosperous and diverse, although not without problems. 

The 1970s were marked by a strong government commit- 
ment to diversify the economy and to provide more high-pay- 
ing jobs to the population. The promotion of tourism and the 
creation of the EPZs did much to attain these goals. Between 
1971 and 1977, about 64,000 jobs were created. However, in the 
rush to make work, the government allowed EPZ firms to deny 
their workers fair wages, the right to organize and strike, and 
the health and social benefits afforded other Mauritian work- 
ers. The boom in the mid-1970s was also fueled by increased 
foreign aid and exceptional sugar crops, coupled with high 
world prices. 

The economic situation deteriorated in the late 1970s. 
Petroleum prices rose, the sugar boom ended, and the balance 
of payments deficit steadily rose as imports outpaced exports; 
by 1979 the deficit amounted to a staggering US$111 million. 
Mauritius approached the IMF and the World Bank for assis- 
tance. In exchange for loans and credits to help pay for 
imports, the government agreed to institute certain measures, 
including cutting food subsidies, devaluing the currency, and 
limiting government wage increases. 

By the 1980s, thanks to a widespread political consensus on 
broad policy measures, the economy experienced steady 
growth, declining inflation, high employment, and increased 
domestic savings. The EPZ came into its own, surpassing sugar 
as the principal export-earning sector and employing more 
workers than the sugar industry and the government com- 
bined, previously the two largest employers. In 1986 Mauritius 
had its first trade surplus in twelve years. Tourism also boomed, 
with a concomitant expansion in the number of hotel beds and 
air flights. An aura of optimism accompanied the country's 
economic success and prompted comparisons with other Asian 
countries that had dynamic economies, including Hong Kong, 
Singapore, Taiwan, and the Republic of Korea (South Korea). 



120 



Mauritius 



The economy had slowed down by the late 1980s and early 
1990s, but the government was optimistic that it could ensure 
the long-term prosperity of the country by drawing up and 
implementing prudent development plans. According to Larry 
W. Bowman, an expert on Mauritius, four development aims of 
the country into the 1990s will be "modernizing the sugar sec- 
tor, expanding and diversifying manufacturing infrastructure, 
diversifying agriculture, and developing tourism." In addition, 
because of the threats to agriculture resulting from Europe's 
Common Agricultural Policy and the potential effects on tex- 
tiles of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), 
Mauritius hopes to transform itself into a center for offshore 
banking and financial services. A stock exchange opened in 
Port Louis in 1989. Another sector needing attention is that of 
housing because increased family incomes have raised the 
demand for housing. Overall, Mauritius had a 1993 gross 
domestic product (GDP — see Glossary) estimated at US$8.6 
billion, with a growth rate of 5.5 percent, and a 1993 inflation 
rate of 10.5 percent. 

Agriculture and Fishing 

Sugar 

In 1990 the government initiated a five-year plan costing 
MauR7.3 billion to bolster the sugar industry. Sugarcane covers 
45 percent of the total area of Mauritius and more than 90 per- 
cent of the cultivated land. Production has remained steady at 
between 600,000 and 700,000 tons since the mid-1960s. The 
exception occurs when severe cyclones or droughts cause a 
decline in the cane harvest. 

Nineteen large estates account for about 55 percent of the 
76,000 hectares planted in cane and range in size from about 
730 hectares to 5,500 hectares. (Land in Mauritius is also mea- 
sured in an archaic French unit, the arpent.) Mauritian firms 
own fifteen of these plantations; the British multinational Lon- 
rho owns two and controls a Mauritian firm that owns another; 
and the Mauritian government owns one estate. Some 35,000 
small growers (with plots ranging from less than one hectare to 
about 400 hectares) tend the remainder of the crop and send 
their harvest for processing to the large planters, each of whom 
owns a sugar factory. 

Since 1951 the production of sugar has been encouraged by 
marketing arrangements with consuming countries (princi- 



121 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

pally Britain), which have guaranteed prices and markets for 
the Mauritian crop. The government has acquired a portion of 
this reliable sugar income through a sugar export tax. By the 
mid-1980s this tax had evolved into a steeply progressive one, 
with producers of under 1,000 tons of cane paying no tax, pro- 
ducers of 1,000 to 3,000 tons paying 15.75 percent, and pro- 
ducers of more than 3,000 tons paying 23.625 percent. This tax 
provided 13 percent of the government's revenues in 1986. 
However, complaints mainly by the large miller/planters and 
severe economic pressures on the sugar industry prompted the 
government in 1993 to reduce the tax in each category by 9.4 
percent. This move met opposition by many who claimed the 
large growers were being given favorable treatment. 

Since 1975 Mauritius has had an export quota of about 
500,000 tons per year under the Sugar Protocol of the Lome 
Convention (see Glossary) , the largest share of all nineteen sig- 
natories. The guaranteed price in 1991 was nearly twice the 
world free-market price. In 1992 the country exported 597,970 
tons of sugar; of this amount, Britain received 498,919 tons. 

Since 1984 the Mauritius Sugar Authority, operating under 
the Ministry of Agriculture, has advised the government 
regarding sugar policy. In addition, the authority acts as a 
nexus between the government and the numerous organiza- 
tions involved in sugar production. These organizations 
include parastatal, producers', and workers' organizations, as 
well as extension and research bodies. The private Mauritius 
Sugar Syndicate, which has offices in London and Brussels, 
handles all aspects of domestic and foreign sugar marketing, 
including transportation, finance, insurance, and customs 
duties. The Mauritius Sugar Industry Research Institute 
(MSIRI) conducts research in such areas as plant breeding, 
entomology, and food-crop agronomy. 

Tea 

As part of its agricultural diversification efforts, the govern- 
ment supported the large-scale production of tea in the late 
1960s. Second to sugar in exports, tea covered 2,870 hectares 
in 1991. The Tea Development Authority (TDA) owned and 
managed three-fourths of this land, which it leased to tenant 
growers. Although tea thrives at the island's higher elevations, 
production has been hindered by high costs, including labor, 
and fluctuations in world prices. Since 1986 the government 
has subsidized tea production to compensate for low prices. In 



122 



Mauritius 



the same year, it established the Mauritius Tea Factories Com- 
pany to manage four factories that had been run by the TDA. 

Tea production reached 8,115 tons in 1985, its highest level, 
only to decline steadily to 5,918 tons in 1991. Export earnings 
have declined from MauR104 million in 1986 to MauR83 mil- 
lion in 1991. The government is considering other uses for its 
tea-planted land in the face of continuing economic pressures. 

Other Crops 

Mauritius produces enough potatoes and fresh vegetables to 
meet domestic demand. The government subsidizes the pro- 
duction of some crops. The area under cultivation for food 
crops was 5,494 hectares in 1991; total production was 64,090 
tons. Between 1987 and 1989, food crops suffered from poor 
weather, including cyclones, disease, and lack of land for ten- 
ant farmers. Tobacco covered 623 hectares in 1991, and pro- 
duction amounted to 876 tons. British American Tobacco 
processed the entire crop for domestic consumption. Cut flow- 
ers have proved to be a very successful crop, beginning in the 
late 1980s, and efforts are also being made to produce tropical 
fruits for export. 

Livestock 

Although self-sufficient in poultry and pork, Mauritius had 
to import 80 percent of its dairy products and 90 percent of its 
beef in 1991. The following are figures for livestock production 
in 1991: beef, 544 tons; goat and mutton, 178 tons; pork, 906 
tons; poultry, 13,250 tons; and milk, 10,800,000 liters. 

Fishing 

Declines in local fishing catches in the early 1980s 
prompted the government to institute programs aimed at 
ensuring self-sufficiency in fish. The programs included the 
construction of fishing wharves and the purchase of new ves- 
sels. In 1990 the total catch amounted to 13,985 tons, which 
included fish caught by foreign vessels for the tuna canning 
industry. 

Industry and Commerce 

Export Processing Zones 

Industrial development in Mauritius expanded rapidly after 
1971, when the government established EPZs. In return for tax 



123 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

benefits, duty-free imports of raw materials and machinery, and 
other inducements, the owners of EPZ enterprises agree to 
export all their products. In the first year of operation, nine 
EPZ firms employing 644 persons accounted for 1 percent of 
export earnings. In 1992 a total of 568 EPZ enterprises employ- 
ing 89,949 persons produced such items as flowers, furniture, 
jewelry, and leather goods. The EPZ rate of growth of employ- 
ment and foreign exchange earnings slowed in the 1980s and 
early 1990s. However, the value of EPZ exports in 1993 set a 
record of MauR15.8 billion. 

Textiles are the main EPZ product, accounting for 89 per- 
cent of jobs and 83 percent of exports. With regard to wearing 
apparel, Mauritius benefits from preferential treatment in the 
European Community (EC — see Glossary) under the Lome 
Convention. Hong Kong, the source of 22 percent of all for- 
eign investment, is the largest foreign investor in the textile 
sector. Other countries participating include France, Britain, 
and Germany. Two foreign firms dominate the textile industry: 
Socota and Woventex. In a 1991 policy paper, the government 
urged diversification of EPZ industries and pledged to give pri- 
ority to nonclothing industries such as electronics. 

Construction 

The construction industry's contribution to GDP grew from 
5.3 percent in 1987 to about 7.6 percent in 1992, thanks to 
investment in housing, roads, hotels, factories, and a new air- 
port terminal. Average annual real growth in the construction 
sector between 1989 and 1992 has been around 10 percent. In 
1992 an estimated 10,600 persons were employed in the indus- 
try, accounting for about 3.7 percent of total employment. 

Banking 

The Bank of Mauritius, established in 1966, is the country's 
central bank. Twelve commercial banks (eight of them foreign- 
owned) operate in the country; the three major ones are the 
State Commercial Bank, Barclays, and the Mauritius Commer- 
cial Bank. Other financial institutions include the Mauritius 
Housing Corporation, the State Finance Corporation, and the 
Development Bank of Mauritius. The national currency is the 
Mauritius rupee (MauR), whose March 1993 exchange rate 
with the United States dollar was 16.68:1. 



124 



Mauritius 



Trade and Balance of Payments 

The success of the EPZs has meant that sugar, the tradi- 
tional leader in exports, has been replaced by manufactured 
goods. Although the level of sugar exports has remained rela- 
tively flat (rising to MauR5.3 billion in 1992 from MauR4.3 bil- 
lion in 1987), EPZ exports have risen from MauR6.6 billion in 
1987 to MauR13.5 billion in 1992. Most exports went to Britain 
(35 percent in 1991), followed by France (19 percent), the 
United States (11 percent), and Germany (11 percent). 

Manufactured goods accounted for 34 percent of imports in 
1991, followed by machinery and transportation equipment 
(25 percent), food (11 percent), and fuels (8 percent). In the 
same year, France was the main supplier of imported goods (13 
percent), followed by South Africa (12 percent), Britain (7 per- 
cent), and Japan (7 percent). Other sources of imports are 
Germany, India, China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. 

The country's geographic isolation, reliance on imported 
fuel, food, and manufactured goods, and its limited export 
base have combined to create persistent visible balance of trade 
deficits in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Imports outpaced 
exports by MauRl.l billion in 1987, and the trade deficit grew 
to an estimated MauR5.8 billion in 1992. 

Tourism 

The attractive climate and numerous beaches of Mauritius 
have been among the features that have attracted record num- 
bers of tourists each year since 1984. Some 300,000 tourists vis- 
ited in 1991, earning the country MauR3.9 million in foreign 
exchange; in 1993 the number rose to 375,000 tourists, bring- 
ing in MauR5.3 million in foreign exchange. In 1993 Mauritius 
had eighty-five hotels with 10,980 beds and an occupancy rate 
for the larger hotels of 68.5 percent; tourism employs more 
than 11,000 people. 

The three principal sources of tourists in 1993 were 
Reunion (26 percent), France (21 percent), and South Africa 
(11 percent). Tourism increased by 10 percent in 1993 over 
1992 — Mauritius has concentrated on developing a quality 
tourist industry rather than on appealing to the mass market. 
Most investors in tourism are Mauritian; South Africans, 
French, British, and Germans also invest in tourism. 



125 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 
Labor 

One of the government's economic successes in the late 
1980s was job creation, largely through the growth of EPZ 
enterprises. Between 1983 and 1989, total employment rose by 
55 percent. Manufacturing employment increased about 
16,000 per year between 1985 and 1988, but only by 3,500 
annually in the 1988 to 1992 period. Women account for about 
65 percent of EPZ employees and 34 percent of total employ- 
ment, representing 158,900 women. The rapid growth of man- 
ufacturing jobs has created labor shortages in the agricultural 
and manufacturing sectors; as a result, Chinese guest workers 
have been brought in by some textile factories. The total num- 
ber of employed in 1992 was 282,400, and the number of 
unemployed was estimated at 10,300; as of 1993, unemploy- 
ment was negligible (about 9,000 persons), and Mauritius 
could boast of full employment. Some 38 percent worked in 
manufacturing (27 percent in clothing firms), 20 percent in 
government services, and 15 percent in agriculture. As it enters 
the stage of becoming a newly industrialized country, Mauritius 
needs to use its labor force more effectively, shifting workers 
from less productive to more productive sectors. This transi- 
tion requires the government to promote labor mobility, as 
well as greater technological skills and training (see Education, 
this ch.). 

In 1991 a total of 287 registered unions and nine federa- 
tions represented 107,400 workers. Unions are free to orga- 
nize; however, the Industrial Relations Act (IRA) of 1973 
restricts some of their activities, including the right to strike. 
The IRA also created the National Remuneration Board, com- 
posed of government ministers, union leaders, and employer 
representatives, to resolve wage disputes brought to its atten- 
tion. This board, however, cannot institute hearing procedures, 
and most wage settlements take their lead from the annual set- 
tlement between the government and public-sector employees. 
Civil servants are unionized but have no right to strike. Collec- 
tive bargaining is limited to the stronger labor unions, such as 
the dockworkers' union. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

The island's network of surfaced roads covered 1,880 kilo- 
meters in 1992. In that same year, approximately 150,000 vehi- 
cles were registered. Port Louis and other urban centers have 



126 



Mauritius 



heavy traffic congestion. Railroads have been abandoned, but 
an extensive bus network exists, and the government is consid- 
ering the construction of a monorail network. Port Louis, the 
sole commercial port, is large and was recently modernized. In 
1992 it handled some 3.5 million tons of cargo, about 70 per- 
cent of which was in containers. The government's Sir Seewoos- 
agur Ramgoolam International Airport at Plaisance is modern, 
having undergone an expansion costing MauR450 million in 
the early 1990s. In 1992 it handled 950,000 passengers, half of 
whom were carried by the national carrier, Air Mauritius. In 
the same year, 34,000 tons of freight passed through the air- 
port, and the average number of daily arriving and departing 
flights was twenty-nine. Air Mauritius plans to expand its fleet 
of three Boeing 727s by adding three Airbus A340-300s, 
expected for delivery in 1994. 

Communications facilities in Mauritius are well developed, 
including modern postal, facsimile, and telex services. In 1992 
the telephone network had a capacity of 100,000 lines. Interna- 
tional direct dialing was instituted in 1987. Also serving the 
country are two radio stations, four television stations, and one 
International Telecommunications Satellite Organization 
earth station. 

Water and Electricity 

Imported oil is the largest source of energy for the island; 
consumption reached 530,000 tons in 1992. In an attempt to 
reduce its dependence on imported oil, the government has 
invested in alternative sources of energy. Most of the hydroelec- 
tric potential of the country's rivers has been exploited. (The 
most recent hydroelectric station, Champagne, came online in 
1985.) Therefore, the prime focus has been on using a waste 
product of the sugar industry, bagasse, which also is less damag- 
ing to the environment, in generating electricity. Two bagasse- 
fired plants were proposed, and studies for them were funded 
by the World Bank in 1992. In 1991 electric power production 
amounted to 737.2 million kilowatt-hours. 

Budget and Public Finance 

Whereas successive governments have differed on questions 
such as social welfare spending, labor policy, and privatization, 
they have maintained remarkable unanimity in passing budgets 
and promulgating policies aimed at strengthening the national 
economy. Faced with growing budget deficits in the late 1970s, 



127 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



for example, Mauritius implemented a Structural Adjustment 
Program in 1979-80 drawn up principally by the IMF and the 
World Bank. The program has been relatively successful; bud- 
get deficits fell from 12.6 percent of GDP in 1981-82 to below 2 
percent of GDP in the early 1990s. (Deficits during fiscal years 
(FY— see Glossary) 1988-89 and 1989-90 rose above 30 per- 
cent of GDP, however, in large part because of increases in gov- 
ernment salaries.) In May 1991, Mauritius paid all its debt to 
the IMF ahead of schedule, a rare accomplishment for a devel- 
oping country. 

Revenues during FY 1991-92 amounted to MauR10.9 bil- 
lion; government estimates showed 90 percent coming from 
tax revenues and 10 percent from non-tax revenues and grants. 
Expenditures for the year amounted to MauR11.8 billion, of 
which MauR2.6 billion went to public debt service; MauRl bil- 
lion to social security; MauR1.5 billion to education, arts, and 
culture; and MauR778 million to health. In 1993 the govern- 
ment was set to reform the tax system in order to widen the tax 
base and reduce evasion. 

The budget for the FY 1994-95 came to MauR17.8 billion, 
of which MauR1.3 billion was designated for foreign and 
domestic debt repayment. Revenue was estimated at MauR15 
billion, of which MauR2.7 billion came from direct taxes, 
MauR9.6 billion from indirect taxes, MauR1.5 billion or 2.2 
percent of gross national product (GNP — see Glossary) from a 
budget deficit, and the remainder from foreign support and 
miscellaneous sources. The budget contained some new provi- 
sions to encourage investment and savings; it abolished foreign 
currency controls and eliminated the tax on sugar products. 
Budgetary appropriations in 1994—95 included MauR2.4 bil- 
lion for education (almost double the 1991-92 amount), 
MauR208 million to train middle management (compared 
with MauR90 million the previous year), MauR138 million for 
industry, and MauR327 million to build 2,000 houses for low- 
income families. The FY 1993-94 budget had stressed health, 
allocating MauR1.2 billion to this area and MauR552 million 
for road construction, as well as appropriations for lengthen- 
ing by 780 meters the runway at Sir Seewoosagur Rangoolam 
International Airport and providing 75,000 new telephone 
lines. 

These budgetary appropriations fell within the broader 
framework of the 1992-94 development plan, released in April 
1993. The plan emphasized the role of the private sector and of 



128 



Mauritius 



the free market as opposed to public-sector bodies and state 
controls. The plan aimed at an overall annual growth rate of 6 
percent: 4.9 percent in agriculture, 10.5 percent in construc- 
tion, 7.7 percent in the EPZ, 6.5 percent in financial and busi- 
ness services, 9 percent in tourism, and 9.5 percent in utilities 
(electricity, gas, and water). Specific plan allocations were the 
following: agriculture MauR1.85 billion, airport MauR1.28 bil- 
lion, education MauR1.02 billion, environment MauR1.89 bil- 
lion, health MauR602 million, housing MauR7.86 billion, 
industry MauR219 million, roads MauR1.39 billion, Rodrigues 
and other islands MauR658 million, social services MauR124 
million, telecommunications MauR866 million, tourism 
MauR257 million, water MauR951 million, and youth and 
sports MauR152 million. 

Government and Politics 

Structure of Government 

The 1968 constitution proclaims that Mauritius is a "demo- 
cratic state" and that the constitution is the supreme law of the 
land. It guarantees the fundamental rights and freedoms of the 
people, including the right to hold private property and to be 
free from racial or other discrimination. Fundamental rights 
can only be suspended during wars or states of emergency, 
which must be duly declared by the parliament and reviewed 
every six months. 

The political structure is patterned to a large extent on the 
British system. As in Britain, the political party that can gain 
support from a majority in parliament chooses the prime min- 
ister, who, along with the cabinet, wields political power. 

The National Assembly (Assemblee Nationale or parlia- 
ment) , the country's prime law-making body, consists of repre- 
sentatives elected from twenty three-member constituencies 
and one two-member district on Rodrigues. In addition, unlike 
the British system, eight assembly seats are apportioned to the 
"best losers" among the nonelected candidates, according to 
their ethno-religious affiliation — two each for Hindus, Mus- 
lims, Chinese, and the general population. An attempt must be 
made to distribute these seats proportionally to the major polit- 
ical parties, which are expressly referred to in the constitution. 
The sixty seats from the constituencies, together with the eight 
best-loser seats and the two seats representing Rodrigues, con- 
stitute the seventy-member parliament or National Assembly. 



129 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Parliament may remain in office for a maximum of five years, 
unless it is dissolved by a vote of no-confidence or an act of the 
prime minister. A constitutional amendment, however, pro- 
vided that the first assembly reckon its term from 1971, a de 
facto term of eight years. The assembly is responsible for all 
legislation and appropriations and may amend the constitution 
by either a two-thirds or three-quarters majority, depending on 
the part of the constitution in question. A largely titular gover- 
nor general presided over parliament in the name of the Brit- 
ish monarch from independence in 1968 until March 12, 1992, 
when Mauritius declared itself a republic. Since then a presi- 
dent, appointed by the prime minister and ratified by the par- 
liament, has assumed the role of the governor general. 

The constitution also provides for three important commis- 
sions — the Judicial and Legal Service Commission, the Public 
Services Commission, and the Police Service Commission — as 
well as an ombudsman. The commissions oversee the appoint- 
ment of government officials; the ombudsman investigates offi- 
cial misconduct. 

The country's legal system is based on the Napoleonic Code 
and English common law. The Supreme Court heads the judi- 
cial system and has the power to interpret the constitution and 
to judge the constitutionality of legislation brought to its atten- 
tion. Appointed by the prime minister and president, the chief 
justice helps select five other judges on the court. The 
Supreme Court also serves as the Court of Criminal Appeal 
and the Court of Civil Appeal. Mauritius continues to refer 
legal and constitutional matters of undeterminable jurisdiction 
to Britain's Privy Council. Lower courts having original jurisdic- 
tion over various kinds of cases include the Intermediate 
Court, the Industrial Court, and ten district courts. 

The constitution does not specify the form of local govern- 
ment. Port Louis has a city council, whereas the four town- 
ships — Beau Bassin-Rose Hill, Curepipe, Quatre Bornes, and 
Vacoas-Phoenix — each have a municipal council. There are dis- 
trict councils for Pamplemousses-Riviere du Rempart, Moka- 
Flacq, and Grand Port-Savanne; 124 village councils; and five 
parish councils on Rodrigues. All councils are elected bodies, 
but the cabinet occasionally — over much opposition — has sus- 
pended municipal elections because of political unrest. In the 
August 30, 1992, village elections, villages each elected twelve 
village councillors, who then were grouped into four district 
councils. In seven of the 124 villages, the candidates were 



130 



Mauritius 



unopposed. In the remaining villages, 3,577 persons ran for 
1,404 seats. The election turnout represented 68 percent of eli- 
gible voters. Local governments depend on the central govern- 
ment for more than 70 percent of their revenues, and only the 
municipal councils have the power to levy their own taxes. 

Politics of the Republic of Mauritius 

Mauritius became the twenty-ninth republic under the Brit- 
ish Commonwealth on March 12, 1992. Even during the transi- 
tion period, the varied and lively social and political forces of 
the country manifested themselves. The former governor gen- 
eral, Sir Veerasamy Ringadoo, a Hindu, was appointed first 
president for three months to appease Hindu voters. On July 1, 
in accordance with an electoral pact between the ruling par- 
ties, the MSM and the MMM, the MMM obtained the post of 
president for Cassam Uteem, a Muslim and former deputy 
leader of the party. His appointment aroused widespread oppo- 
sition from MSM politicians and from the island's Hindu 
majority, the source of much MSM support. Critics feared that 
Uteem, formerly minister of industry and industrial technol- 
ogy, would unduly politicize his office and promote a strongly 
pro-Muslim agenda. Upon taking office, Uteem tried to 
assuage these misgivings by stating that he would look after the 
interests of all Mauritians, regardless of religion, ethnicity, or 
politics. He also said that he would play an active (not merely 
ceremonial), impartial role in the political life of the country. 

Although the MLP and PMSD suffered heavy electoral 
losses in the September 1991 general election and were faced 
with internal weakness, they attempted to act as an assertive 
and contentious opposition. The PMSD lost its veteran leader 
Sir Gaetan Duval at the end of 1991 after his retirement. The 
MLP's leader, Dr. Navin Ramgoolam, has been attacked by his 
own political allies for his inexperience in high office and fre- 
quent overseas travels. The opposition was quick to criticize the 
prime minister, Sir Anerood Jugnauth, for issuing a new MR20 
bank note with the image of the prime minister's wife in mid- 
1992. In addition, the opposition and the ruling coalition have 
taken each other to court over charges of fraud in the 1991 
election. 

A particularly acrimonious row developed over Ram- 
goolam's absence from parliament beginning in July 1992 in 
order to pursue a law degree in London. The speaker of the 
National Assembly claimed that the MLP leader violated rules 



131 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

relating to absences by members of parliament. The case was 
referred to the Supreme Court. The Ramgoolam affair not 
only has prompted grumbling within the MLP but also has 
highlighted the tension within the ruling coalition, namely, the 
continuing friction between Paul Berenger, external affairs 
minister and secretary general of the MMM, and Prime Minis- 
ter Jugnauth. Berenger criticized Jugnauth for calling the 
National Assembly out of recess while Ramgoolam was out of 
the country, claiming that the prime minister was merely creat- 
ing another pretext for stripping the MLP leader of his seat. 

Matters came to a head in August 1993 when the prime min- 
ister dismissed Berenger because of his continuing criticism of 
government policy. The ouster led to a split in the MMM 
between members of the party who remained allied with the 
government of MSM Prime Minister Jugnauth, led by Deputy 
Prime Minister Prem Nababsing, and those MMM parliamen- 
tary members who supported Berenger and went into opposi- 
tion. Berenger declined to become opposition leader, although 
his group was the largest single opposition element; he allowed 
the leader of the Labor Party, Navin Ramgoolam, to continue 
as opposition leader. In April 1994, Berenger and Navin Ram- 
goolam reached an electoral agreement according to which 
the two groups were to cooperate. 

Foreign Relations 

The orientation of Mauritius toward other countries is influ- 
enced by its location, resources, colonial past, domestic poli- 
tics, and economic imperatives. Mauritius has particularly 
strong relations with Britain, France, India, and since 1990 with 
South Africa. A member of the Commonwealth, Mauritius rec- 
ognized Queen Elizabeth II as head of state until it became a 
republic in 1992. Mauritius enjoys warm political relations and 
important economic ties with Britain, and receives significant 
development and technical assistance. 

France, another former colonial power, provides Mauritius 
with its largest source of financial aid, and also promotes the 
use of the French language in Mauritius. In addition to trade, 
in which France has traditionally been Mauritius's largest sup- 
plier as well as its largest or second largest customer, particu- 
larly of textiles, France provides Mauritius with numerous 
kinds of assistance. For example, France has helped computer- 
ize the island's government ministries, has performed road fea- 
sibility studies and highway maintenance, has undertaken 



132 



Mauritius 



livestock services and the construction of a cannery, and has 
loaned Mauritius US$60 million to construct a large diesel- 
electric power station in western Mauritius, completed in 1992. 
Other French-sponsored infrastructure projects have included 
the French firm Alcatel's supply and installation of 30,000 addi- 
tional telephone lines, a contract awarded in December 1988, 
and a five-year project scheduled to begin construction in Janu- 
ary 1995 by SCAC Delmas Vieljeux (SCV) to create a ninety- 
hectare free-port area and attendant facilities at Port Louis. 
The intent is that the free port should serve as a means for 
attracting African trade under the Preferential Trade Area for 
Eastern and Southern Africa. 

An area of tension between France and Mauritius relates to 
the latter's claim to Tromelin Island, some 550 kilometers 
northwest of Mauritius, which France retained when Mauritius 
received its independence. Tromelin had been governed by 
France from Mauritius during the colonial period, and Mauri- 
tius for a number of years has raised the question of the return 
of the one-square-kilometer island where France has a meteo- 
rological observation station. When French president Francois 
Mitterrand visited Mauritius (along with Madagascar, Comoros, 
and Seychelles) in 1990, Mauritius raised its claim; despite sev- 
eral subsequent discussions, the matter has not been resolved. 

Mauritius acknowledges the legitimacy of France's military 
interests even though it supported the UN Indian Ocean Zone 
of Peace (IOZP) Resolution (adopted in 1971) calling for the 
demilitarization of the region. French military interests include 
the neighboring island of Reunion, a French departement and 
headquarters for a military detachment. France has also pro- 
vided the Special Mobile Force of Mauritius with MauR2.8 mil- 
lion worth of military equipment and training. 

India, which has deep social and historical links with a large 
portion of the population of Mauritius, is the country's second 
largest source of foreign assistance. India has devoted a large 
share of aid to cultural ventures, such as the Mahatma Gandhi 
Institute, a library and language school opened in 1976. 

Apart from traditional cultural and trade relations of Mauri- 
tius with India, the two countries have exchanged visits by their 
leading officials in recent years; have engaged in numerous 
joint ventures, particularly in the textiles area; and have signed 
cooperation agreements in various spheres. For example, in 
1990 cooperation agreements were concluded in the fields of 
agriculture; oceanography; maritime resources, including the 



133 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

exploitation of Mauritius's EEZ; science and technology; drug 
trafficking; and sports and youth affairs. India has provided 
Mauritius with technical expertise, such as computer and high 
sensing technology, radio and telecommunications, further 
expansion of Mauritius's telephone lines from 60,000 to 
100,000 lines over a three-year period beginning in 1991, and 
the creation of a science center and planetarium. 

In the early 1990s, Mauritius saw the new South Africa as a 
partner, particularly in an economic sense, and was willing to 
forget charges that in 1989 South Africans had engaged in 
drug trafficking to Mauritius and had sought to assassinate 
Prime Minister Jugnauth. A South African trade bureau was 
approved in 1990; a health cooperation agreement was con- 
cluded in 1991 whereby Mauritians requiring complex medical 
procedures could obtain them in South African hospitals; and 
President Frederik Willem de Klerk visited Mauritius in 
November 1991. The two countries initiated diplomatic rela- 
tions at the consular level in March 1992, and a South African 
resort chain began activities in Mauritius in late 1992. 

Mauritius has sought to increase cooperation among its fel- 
low island entities. In 1982 the country forged an agreement 
that created the Indian Ocean Commission (IOC), whose 
members include Mauritius, Madagascar, Seychelles, Comoros, 
and Reunion (represented by France). IOC members have met 
regularly to discuss social and economic relations, and in 1989 
the IOC established its secretariat in Mauritius. Mauritius has 
particularly close cooperation with Seychelles in the fields of 
agriculture, education, energy, fishing, and transportation. 

Relations between the United States and Mauritius have 
been dominated by questions of trade and sovereignty over 
Diego Garcia Island, a British possession that is the site of a 
United States military base. Exports from Mauritius, mostly tex- 
tiles, have grown from US$28 million in 1982 to US$120 mil- 
lion in 1987. United States import quotas have restricted the 
level of Mauritian exports to the United States, however. Mauri- 
tian imports from the United States have increased from 
US$11 million in 1986 to US$48 million in 1991. 

The question of Diego Garcia is a complex one. Mauritius 
ceded control over the Chagos Archipelago (including Diego 
Garcia) to Britain in exchange for 3 million pounds sterling in 
1965 as one tacit precondition for independence. Despite UN 
objections to British control of the islands, Britain leased Diego 
Garcia to the United States in 1966 for fifty years. The United 



134 



Mauritius 



States established a major military base on the island, including 
anchorage facilities for large numbers of ships, an airfield 
capable of handling B-52s, and a satellite communications 
facility. After a period of relative indifference to the fate of the 
Chagos Archipelago following its cession, Mauritian govern- 
ments since the late 1980s have called for its return to Mauri- 
tian sovereignty. There was no indication in 1994 that Britain 
or the United States was willing to acquiesce. Differences of 
opinion notwithstanding, between 1982 and 1987 the United 
States provided Mauritius with US$56.2 million in aid, mainly 
for development. 

Mauritius has limited but growing trade relations with the 
industrializing countries of Asia, particularly Hong Kong and 
Japan. It also has close relations with China. Although it 
belongs to the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and has 
been an opponent of apartheid, Mauritius has closer links to 
South Africa than to any other country on the continent. 
These relations are based in large part on the economic exi- 
gency of obtaining mainly manufactured goods more cheaply 
from the closest developed country. 

In addition to membership in the OAU, UN, and Common- 
wealth, Mauritius belongs to the Nonaligned Movement. It has 
received assistance from the World Bank, the IMF, and the 
European Development Bank. 

# * * 

For an excellent overview of the history, society, economy 
and foreign relations of Mauritius, see Larry W. Bowman's 
Mauritius: Democracy and Development in the Indian Ocean. The 
best in-depth account of the country's pre-independence his- 
tory, with special attention to the twentieth century, is Modern 
Mauritius by Adele Smith Simmons. Particularly useful for 
detailed and current economic and political information are 
publications of the Economist Intelligence Unit: the annual 
Country Profile: Mauritius, Seychelles and the quarterly Country 
Report: Madagascar, Mauritius, Seychelles, Comoros. 

Other useful works include Mauritius: Development of a Plural 
Society by A.R. Mannick; The Economic and Social Structure of Mau- 
ritius by J.E. Meade, et at.; and the World Bank publication, 
Mauritius: Managing Success. Updates of mainly economic news 
appear in Africa Economic Digest and Marches tropicaux et mediter- 
raneens. (For further information and complete citations, see 
Bibliography.) 



135 



Chapter 3. Comoros 



National emblem of Comoros 



Country Profile 



Country 

Formal Name: Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros. 
Short Name: Comoros. 

Term for Citizens: Comorans (or Comorians). 
Capital: Moroni. 

Date of Independence: July 6, 1975 (from France). 

Geography 

Size: Variously given as 1,862 to 2,170 square kilometers. 

Topography: Archipelago consists of four main islands, all of 
volcanic origin. Njazidja (Grande Comore), the largest, has two 
volcanoes with a plateau connecting them; its thin soil cannot 
hold water. Nzwani (Anjouan) has three mountain chains and 
deeper soil cover. Mwali (Moheli), the smallest, has central 
mountain chain and some rain forest. Mahore (Mayotte) 
continues its relationship with France and is not included as 
part of Comoros. 

Climate: Marine tropical, with two seasons: hot and humid 
from November to April, with northeastern monsoon and 
possible cyclones; rest of year cooler and dryer. Average annual 
rainfall 2,000 millimeters. 

Society 

Population: 1991 census, excluding Mahore, 446,817. 
Population density varies among islands, ranging from 1991 
high of 470 persons per square kilometer on Nzwani to 120 
persons per square kilometer on Mwali. Population growth rate 
estimated at 3.55 percent in 1994. 

Ethnic Groups: Arabs, descendants of Shirazi settlers; African 



139 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



groups: Cafres and Makoa; Malayo-Indonesian peoples: 
Oimatsaha, Antalotes, and Sakalava; and Creoles, descendants 
of French settlers. 

Languages: Arabic (official), French (official), and Comoran 
dialect related to Swahili. 

Religion: .Sunni Muslim, 86 percent; Roman Catholic, 14 
percent. 

Education and Literacy: Education compulsory for ages seven 
through fifteen; about 75 percent of primary-school-age 
children enrolled in 1993 in schools following French educa- 
tional system. No university but postsecondary education 
available. Adult literacy in 1993 only 50 percent. 

Health: Health care and most health facilities in poor 
condition. Malaria endemic; 80 to 90 percent of population 
affected. Scarcity of safe drinking water and child malnutrition 
are problem areas. 1994 estimate of life expectancy at birth 
fifty-eight years. Infant mortality rate estimated at eighty per 
1,000 live births in 1994. 

Economy 

Gross National Product per Capita: Estimated at US$400 in 
1994 following January devaluation of Comoran franc. One of 
world's poorest countries, Comoros became eligible in 1991 for 
International Development Association's Special Program of 
Assistance. 

Agriculture: Including fishing, provided about 40 percent of 
gross domestic product (GDP) in 1994 and involved 80 percent 
of labor force. Almost all meat and vegetables and much of rice 
must be imported. Main cash crops ylang-ylang essence for 
perfume, vanilla, and cloves, all subject to fluctuating demand. 
Various agricultural development projects underway with 
foreign aid. Livestock raising limited; fishing being expanded. 

Industry: Provided 5 percent of GDP in 1994. Most industries 
entailed processing cash crops or handicrafts. Efforts underway 
to develop tourism, which, with other services, provided 25 



140 



Comoros 



percent of GDP in 1994. 

Exports: Ylang-ylang (world's largest producer), vanilla 
(world's second largest producer), cloves. Exports estimated at 
US$21 million in 1992; major markets United States and 
France. 

Imports: Basic foodstuffs, petroleum, construction materials. 
Imports estimated at US$60 million in 1992; major sources: 
France and Belgium-Luxembourg. 

Currency and Exchange Rate: One Comoran franc (CF) = 100 
centimes. In June 1995, US$1.00 = CF363.98. 

Inflation: Estimated at 15 percent in 1994. 

Fiscal Year: Calendar year. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

Roads: 750 kilometers of roads along coasts, of which 210 
kilometers paved. 

Airports: Daily flights to islands carried most passenger traffic; 
four airports with permanent-surface runways; airstrips on all 
islands. Air Comores is national carrier. 

Ports: Mutsamudu on Nzwani and Moroni on Njazidja have 
artificial harbors. Almost all freight carried by sea. 

Telecommunications: Moroni has international telecom- 
munications; estimated 3,000 telephones in few existing towns 
in 1987. Two radio broadcast stations, one amplitude 
modulation (AM), one frequency modulation (FM). 

Government and Politics 

Government: Constitution approved in referendum on June 7, 
1992. Islam is state religion. President elected by universal 
suffrage for five-year term; president nominates ministers to 
form twelve-member Council of Government; prime minister 
belongs to majority party in legislature. Bicameral legislature: 
Federal Assembly elected for four-year terms; Senate appointed 



141 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

by Electoral College. Supreme Court and judiciary indepen- 
dent branch. 

Politics: More than twenty political parties active in 1994. Most 
recent election in December 1993, with voting irregularities. 
Incumbent ruling coalition declared selves winners with 
twenty-two of forty-two seats. Opposition parties refused to 
participate in legislature. 

Foreign Relations: Close relationships traditionally with France 
and recently with conservative Persian Gulf states and to lesser 
extent with South Africa. Good regional relations wdth 
Madagascar, Mauritius, and Seychelles in Indian Ocean 
Commission. Also developing relations with China and Japan. 



142 



NJAZIDJA 




NJAZIDJA 



MWALI 



Fomboni 



MWALI 



Indian 
Ocean 



NZWANI 

MutsamuduJ \ 



NZWANI O 



45 




National capital 


MWALI 


Administrative unit 


® 


Administrative seat 


10 


20 Kilometers 





10 20 Miles 



MAYOTTE 

(admin, by France, 
claimed by Comoros) ^NslP 

Mozambique 

44 45 

I I 



Figure 6. Comoros: Administrative Divisions, 1 994 




144 



THE FEDERAL ISLAMIC REPUBLIC of the Comoros is an 
archipelago situated in the western Indian Ocean, about mid- 
way between the island of Madagascar and the coast of East 
Africa at the northern end of the Mozambique Channel. The 
archipelago has served in past centuries as a stepping stone 
between the African continent and Madagascar, as a southern 
outpost for Arab traders operating along the East African coast, 
and as a center of Islamic culture. The name "Comoros" is 
derived from the Arabic kamar or kumr, meaning "moon," 
although this name was first applied by Arab geographers to 
Madagascar. In the nineteenth century, Comoros was absorbed 
into the French overseas empire, but it unilaterally proclaimed 
independence from France on July 6, 1975. 

Comoros has had a troubled and uncertain course as an 
independent state. Mahore, or Mayotte, the easternmost of the 
archipelago's four main islands, including Njazidja (formerly 
Grande Comore), Mwali (formerly Moheli), and Nzwani (for- 
merly Anjouan), remains under French administration, a 
majority of its voters having chosen to remain tied to France in 
referendums held in 1974 and 1976 (see Physical Environ- 
ment, this ch.). By the mid-1990s, the integration of Mahore 
into Comoros remained an official objective of the Comoran 
government, but it had taken a back seat to more pressing con- 
cerns, such as developing a viable national economy. Mean- 
while, the Mahorais were making the most of their close 
relationship with France. They accepted large amounts of 
developmental aid and took an intense interest in French polit- 
ical events. Although South Africa played a major role in the 
Comoran economy in the 1980s, by the early 1990s France was 
the island republic's foremost patron, providing economic aid, 
political guidance, and national security. 

Comoros is densely populated and dedicates only limited 
amounts of land to food production. Thus, it depends heavily 
on imports of rice, vegetables, and meat. Its economy is based 
on the production of cash crops, principally ylang-ylang (per- 
fume essence), vanilla, and cloves, all of which have experi- 
enced wild price swings in recent years, thus complicating 
economic planning and contributing to a burgeoning trade 
deficit. A growing dependence on foreign aid, often provided 
to meet day-to-day needs for food, funds, and government 



145 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

operations, further clouds economic prospects. Comoros suf- 
fers the ills of a developing nation in particularly severe form: 
food shortages and inadequate diets, poor health standards, a 
high rate of population growth, widespread illiteracy, and inter- 
national indebtedness. 

The country has endured political and natural catastrophes. 
Less than a month after independence, the government of the 
first Comoran president, Ahmed Abdallah, was overthrown; in 
1978 foreign mercenaries carried out a second coup, over- 
throwing the radical regime of Ali Soilih and returning Abdal- 
lah to power. Indigenous riots in Madagascar in 1976 led to the 
repatriation of an estimated 17,000 Comorans. The eruption of 
the volcano, Kartala, on Njazidja in 1977 displaced some 2,000 
people and possibly hastened the downfall of the Soilih 
regime. Cyclones in the 1980s, along with a violent coup that 
included the assassination of President Abdallah in 1989 and 
two weeks of rule by European mercenaries, rounded out the 
first fifteen years of Comoran independence. 

In the early 1990s, the omnipresent mercenaries of the late 
1970s and 1980s were gone, and the winding down of civil con- 
flict in southern Africa, in combination with the end of the 
Cold War, had reduced the republic's value as a strategic chess 
piece. However, as in the 1970s and 1980s, the challenge to 
Comorans was to find a way off the treadmills of economic 
dependency and domestic political dysfunction. 

Historical Setting 

Early Visitors and Settlers 

Little is known of the first inhabitants of the archipelago, 
although a sixth-century settlement has been uncovered on 
Nzwani by archaeologists. Historians speculated that Indone- 
sian immigrants used the islands as stepping stones on the way 
to Madagascar prior to A.D. 1000. Because Comoros lay at the 
juncture of African, Malayo-Indonesian, and Arab spheres of 
influence, the present population reflects a blend of these ele- 
ments in its physical characteristics, language, culture, social 
structure, and religion. Local legend cites the first settlement 
of the archipelago by two families from Arabia after the death 
of Solomon. Legend also tells of a Persian king, Husain ibn Ali, 
who established a settlement on Comoros around the begin- 
ning of the eleventh century. Bantu peoples apparendy moved 
to Comoros before the fourteenth century, principally from 



146 



Comoros 



the coast of what is now southern Mozambique; on the island 
of Nzwani they apparently encountered an earlier group of 
inhabitants, a Malayo-Indonesian people. A number of chief- 
tains bearing African titles established settlements on Njazidja 
and Nzwani, and by the fifteenth century they probably had 
contact with Arab merchants and traders who brought the 
Islamic faith to the islands. 

A watershed in the history of the islands was the arrival of 
the Shirazi Arabs in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The 
Shirazi, who originated from the city of Shiraz in what is now 
Iran, were Sunni (see Glossary) Muslims adhering to the legal 
school of Muhammad ibn Idris ash Shafii, an eighth-century 
Meccan scholar who followed a middle path in combining tra- 
dition and independent judgment in legal matters. The Shirazi 
Arabs traveled and traded up and down the East African coast 
and as far east as India and Maldives. A legend is recounted on 
Comoros and on the East African coast of seven Shirazi broth- 
ers who set sail in seven ships, landed on the coast of northwest 
Madagascar and on Njazidja and Nzwani, and established colo- 
nies in the fifteenth century. The Shirazi, who divided Njazidja 
into eleven sultanates and Nzwani into two, extended their rule 
to Mahore and Mwali, although the latter in the nineteenth 
century came under the control of Malagasy rulers. The Shirazi 
built mosques and established Islam as the religion of the 
islands. They also introduced stone architecture, carpentry, 
cotton weaving, the cultivation of a number of fruits, and the 
Persian solar calendar. By the sixteenth century, the Comoros 
had become a center of regional trade, exporting rice, amber- 
gris, spices, and slaves to ports in East Africa and the Middle 
East in exchange for opium, cotton cloth, and other items. 

The first Europeans to visit the islands were the Portuguese, 
who landed on Njazidja around 1505. The islands first appear 
on a European map in 1527, that of Portuguese cartographer 
Diogo Roberos. Dutch sixteenth-century accounts describe the 
Comoros' sultanates as prosperous trade centers with the Afri- 
can coast and Madagascar. Intense competition for this trade, 
and, increasingly, for European commerce, resulted in con- 
stant warfare among the sultanates, a situation that persisted 
until the French occupation. The sultans of Njazidja only occa- 
sionally recognized the supremacy of one of their number as 
tibe, or supreme ruler. 

By the early seventeenth century, slaves had become Como- 
ros' most important export commodity, although the market 



147 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

for the islands' other products also continued to expand, 
mainly in response to the growing European presence in the 
region. To meet this increased demand, the sultans began 
using slave labor themselves, following common practice along 
the East African coast. 

Beginning in 1785, the Sakalava of the west coast of Mada- 
gascar began slaving raids on Comoros. They captured thou- 
sands of inhabitants and carried them off in outrigger canoes 
to be sold in French-occupied Madagascar, Mauritius, or 
Reunion to work on the sugar plantations, many of which 
French investors owned. The island of Mahore, closest of the 
group to Madagascar, was virtually depopulated. Comoran 
pleas for aid from the French and the other European powers 
went unanswered, and the raids ceased only after the Sakalava 
kingdoms were conquered by the Merina of Madagascar's cen- 
tral highlands. After the Merina conquest, groups of Sakalava 
and Betsimisaraka peoples left Madagascar and settled on 
Mahore and Mwali. 

Prosperity was restored as Comoran traders again became 
involved in transporting slaves from the East African coast to 
Reunion and Madagascar. Dhows carrying slaves brought in 
huge profits for their investors. On Comoros, it was estimated 
in 1865 that as much as 40 percent of the population consisted 
of slaves. For the elite, owning a large number of slaves to per- 
form fieldwork and household service was a mark of status. On 
the eve of the French occupation, Comoran society consisted 
of three classes: the elite of the Shirazi sultans and their fami- 
lies, a middle class of free persons or commoners, and a slave 
class consisting of those who had been brought from the Afri- 
can coast or their descendants. 

French Colonization 

France's presence in the western Indian Ocean dates to the 
early seventeenth century. The French established a settlement 
in southern Madagascar in 1634 and occupied the islands of 
Reunion and Rodrigues; in 1715 France claimed Mauritius (lie 
de France), and in 1756 Seychelles. When France ceded Mauri- 
tius, Rodrigues, and Seychelles to Britain in 1814, it lost its 
Indian Ocean ports; Reunion, which remained French, did not 
offer a suitable natural harbor. In 1840 France acquired the 
island of Nosy-Be off the northwestern coast of Madagascar, but 
its potential as a port was limited. In 1841 the governor of 
Reunion, Admiral de Hell, negotiated with Andrian Souli, the 



148 



Comoros 



Malagasy ruler of Mayotte, to cede Mayotte to France. Mahore 
offered a suitable site for port facilities, and its acquisition was 
justified by de Hell on the grounds that if France did not act, 
Britain would occupy the island. 

Although France had established a foothold in Comoros, 
the acquisition of the other islands proceeded fitfully. At times 
the French were spurred on by the threat of British interven- 
tion, especially on Nzwani, and at other times, by the constant 
anarchy resulting from the sultans' wars upon each other. In 
the 1880s, Germany's growing influence on the East African 
coast added to the concerns of the French. Not until 1908, 
however, did the four Comoro Islands become part of France's 
colony of Madagascar and not until 1912 did the last sultan 
abdicate. Then, a colonial administration took over the islands 
and established a capital at Dzaoudzi on Mahore. Treaties of 
protectorate status marked a transition point between indepen- 
dence and annexation; such treaties were signed with the rul- 
ers of Njazidja, Nzwani, and Mwali in 1886. 

The effects of French colonialism were mixed, at best. Colo- 
nial rule brought an end to the institution of slavery, but eco- 
nomic and social differences between former slaves and free 
persons and their descendants persisted. Health standards 
improved with the introduction of modern medicine, and the 
population increased about 50 percent between 1900 and 
1960. France continued to dominate the economy. Food crop 
cultivation was neglected as French societes (companies) estab- 
lished cash crop plantations in the coastal regions. The result 
was an economy dependent on the exporting of vanilla, 
ylang-ylang, cloves, cocoa, copra, and other tropical crops. 
Most profits obtained from exports were diverted to France 
rather than invested in the infrastructure of the islands. Devel- 
opment was further limited by the colonial government's prac- 
tice of concentrating public services on Madagascar. One 
consequence of this policy was the migration of large numbers 
of Comorans to Madagascar, where their presence would be a 
long-term source of tension between Comoros and its giant 
island neighbor. The Shirazi elite continued to play a promi- 
nent role as large landowners and civil servants. On the eve of 
independence, Comoros remained poor and undeveloped, 
having only one secondary school and practically nothing in 
the way of national media. Isolated from important trade 
routes by the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, having few 



149 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

natural resources, and largely neglected by France, the islands 
were poorly equipped for independence. 

In 1946 the Comoro Islands became an overseas depart- 
ment of France with representation in the French National 
Assembly. The following year, the islands' administrative ties to 
Madagascar were severed; Comoros established its own customs 
regime in 1952. A Governing Council was elected in August 

1957 on the four islands in conformity with the loi-cadre 
(enabling law) of June 23, 1956. A constitution providing for 
internal self-government was promulgated in 1961, following a 

1958 referendum in which Comorans voted overwhelmingly to 
remain a part of France. This government consisted of a terri- 
torial assembly having, in 1975, thirty-nine members, and a 
Governing Council of six to nine ministers responsible to it. 

The Break with France 

Politics in the 1960s were dominated by a social and eco- 
nomic elite — largely descendants of the precolonial sultanate 
ruling families — which was conservative and pro-French. Dur- 
ing Comoros' period of self-government as an overseas depart- 
ment, there were two main conservative political groupings: 
the Parti Vert (Green Party), which later became known as the 
Comoros Democratic Union (Union Democratique des 
Comores — UDC), and the Parti Blanc (White Party), later 
reconstituted as the Democratic Assembly of the Comoran Peo- 
ple (Rassemblement Democratique du Peuple Comorien — 
RDPC). Dr. Said Mohamed Cheikh, president of the Parti Vert 
and of the Governing Council, was, until his death in 1970, the 
most important political leader in the islands. The Parti Blanc, 
under Prince Said Ibrahim, provided the opposition, endors- 
ing a progressive program that included land reform and a 
loosening of the monopoly on Comoran cash crops enjoyed by 
the foreign-owned plantation societes. The second most power- 
ful member of the Parti Vert, Ahmed Abdallah, a wealthy plan- 
tation owner and representative to the French National 
Assembly, succeeded Cheikh as president of the Governing 
Council soon after Cheikh died. 

Well into the 1960s, the two established parties were con- 
cerned primarily with maintaining a harmonious relationship 
with France while obtaining assistance in economic planning 
and infrastructure development. Given this consensus, politi- 
cally active Comorans often based their allegiance on personal 
feelings toward the doctor and the prince who led the two 



150 



Comoros 



main parties and on whatever patronage either party could 
provide. 

The independence movement started not in the Comoro 
Islands but among Comoran expatriates in Tanzania, who 
founded the National Liberation Movement of Comoros (Mou- 
vement de la Liberation Nationale des Comores — Molinaco) in 
1962. Molinaco actively promoted the cause of Comoran inde- 
pendence abroad, particularly in the forum of the Organiza- 
tion of African Unity (OAU), but not until 1967 did it begin to 
extend its influence to the islands themselves, engaging in 
largely clandestine activities. The Socialist Party of Comoros 
(Parti Socialiste des Comores — Pasoco), established in 1968, 
was largely supported by students and other young people. 

A growing number of politically conscious Comorans, 
resenting what they perceived as French neglect of the Comoro 
Islands, supported independence. Independence-minded 
Comorans, especially younger ones, were energized by dra- 
matic events across the Mozambique Channel on the African 
mainland. Tanganyika had gained its independence from Brit- 
ain in 1961 and soon adopted a government based on "African 
socialism." Zanzibar, another long-time British colony, became 
independent in 1963 and overthrew the ruling Arab elite in a 
violent revolution the following year; the island state then 
merged with Tanganyika to form the new nation of Tanzania. 
Meanwhile, nationalists were beginning uprisings in the Portu- 
guese colony of Mozambique. 

Abdallah, although a conservative politician, saw indepen- 
dence as a "regrettable necessity," given the unsatisfactory level 
of French support and the growing alienation of an increas- 
ingly radicalized younger generation. The violent suppression 
of a student demonstration in 1968 and the death of Said 
Mohammed Cheikh in 1970 provided further evidence of the 
erosion of the existing order. In 1972 leaders of the Parti Vert 
(now the UDC) and the Parti Blanc (now the RDPC) agreed to 
press for independence, hoping at the same time to maintain 
cordial relations with France. A coalition of conservative and 
moderate parties, the Party for the Evolution of Comoros 
(Parti pour revolution des Comores) , was in the forefront of 
the independence effort. The coalition excluded Pasoco, 
which it perceived as violently revolutionary, but it cooperated 
for a time with Molinaco. During 1973 and 1974, the local gov- 
ernment negotiated with France, and issued a "Common Dec- 
laration" on June 15, 1973, defining the means by which the 



151 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

islands would gain independence. Part of the backdrop of the 
negotiations was a pro-independence riot in November 1973 in 
Moroni in which the buildings of the Chamber of Deputies 
were burned. A referendum was held on December 22, 1974. 
Voters supported independence by a 95 percent majority, but 
65 percent of those casting ballots on Mahore chose to remain 
as a French department (see The Issue of Mahore, this ch.). 

Twenty-eight days after the declaration of independence, on 
August 3, 1975, a coalition of six political parties known as the 
United National Front overthrew the Abdallah government, 
with the aid of foreign mercenaries. Some observers claimed 
that French commercial interests, and possibly even the French 
government, had helped provide the funds and the materiel to 
bring off the coup. The reasons for the coup remain obscure, 
although the belief that France might return Mahore to Como- 
ros if Abdallah were out of power appears to have been a con- 
tributing factor. Abdallah fled to Nzwani, his political power 
base, where he remained in control with an armed contingent 
of forty-five men until forces from Moroni recaptured the 
island and arrested him in late September 1975. After the 
coup, a three-man directorate took control. One of the three, 
Ali Soilih, was appointed minister of defense and justice and 
subsequently was made head of state by the Chamber of Depu- 
ties on January 3, 1976. Four days earlier, on December 31, 
1975, France had formally recognized the independence of 
Comoros (minus Mahore), but active relations, including all 
aid programs, which amounted to more than 40 percent of the 
national budget, remained suspended. 

The Soilih Regime 

Originally an agronomist, Ali Soilih had become politically 
active as a supporter of RDPC leader Said Ibrahim in 1970. 
Lasting from January 1976 to May 1978, his rule was marked by 
continued hostility between France and Comoros. The main 
issues were the status of Mahore (particularly after France held 
a second referendum on the island, on February 7, 1976, in 
which 99.4 percent of the voters endorsed continued status as a 
French department) and a radical reform program designed to 
break the hold of traditional values and French influence on 
Comoran life. Soilih envisioned accomplishing his revolution 
in three phases, beginning with independence from France. 
The second phase, a "social revolution," would abolish such 
customs as the wearing of veils, the costly grand manage (great 



152 



Comoros 



wedding; in Swahili ndola nkuu), and traditional funeral cere- 
monies. Comoran citizens, including young women, would be 
mobilized to serve in revolutionary militia and army units in an 
attempt to create something resembling the Red Guards of 
China's Cultural Revolution of the late 1960s (see Society, this 
ch.). The third phase would decentralize government adminis- 
tration by establishing thirty-four local moudirias, or provinces. 
These would serve not only as administrative centers but would 
also provide post and telephone service and consumer goods 
for localities of about 9,000 people on the model of the Chi- 
nese people's communes. 

Soilih emphasized the central role of young people in the 
revolution, lowering the voting age to fourteen. He mobilized 
Comoran youth into a special revolutionary militia (the Com- 
mando Moissy), which, particularly in the villages, launched 
violent attacks on conservative elders in Red Guard style (see 
Comoros, ch. 6). 

After the withdrawal of French financial subsidies, the treas- 
ury was soon emptied, and in a move having budgetary as well 
as ideological implications, some 3,500 civil servants were dis- 
missed in 1977. Soilih made a more than symbolic break with 
the past in 1976 by burning French government archives, 
which had been kept since the acquisition of Mahore 135 years 
before. Tanzanian officers trained the Comoran Armed Forces, 
and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), 
Saudi Arabia, and other countries provided limited aid. 

Soilih, who described himself as a devout Muslim, advocated 
a secular state and limitations on the privileges of the muftis, or 
Muslim jurists who interpret Islamic law. These reforms, which 
were perceived as attacks on Comoran traditions, combined 
with a deepening economic crisis to erode support for his gov- 
ernment. Several attempts were made on Soilih's life, and in a 
referendum held in October 1977, only 55 percent of the vot- 
ers supported a new constitution proposed by his government. 
Attacks by the Moissy on real and imagined political opponents 
escalated; raids on mosques were common; a number of refu- 
gees fled to Mahore. The eruption of Kartala in April 1977 and 
the influx of refugees from Madagascar following a massacre of 
resident Comorans there exacerbated the situation. In March 
1978, some fishers in the town of Iconi, south of Moroni, were 
killed after protesting the government's policy on compulsory 
sale of their catch to the state. Severe food shortages in 1976- 
77 required the government to seek aid internationally and 



153 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

forced the young nation to divert its already limited export 
earnings from economic development to purchases of rice and 
other staples. 

Popular support had dwindled to such a level that when a 
mercenary force of fifty, consisting largely of former French 
paratroopers, landed at Itsandra Beach north of the capital on 
May 12, 1978 the regular armed forces offered no resistance. 
The mercenaries were led by French-born Bob Denard (an 
alias for Gilbert Bourgeaud, also known as Said Mustapha 
M'Hadjou) a veteran of wars of revolution, counterrevolution, 
and separatism from Indochina to Biafra. (Ironically, Denard 
had played a role in the 1975 coup that had enabled Soilih to 
come to power.) Most Comorans supported the coup and were 
happy to be free of Soilih's ineffective and repressive regime. 
The deposed head of state was killed under mysterious circum- 
stances on May 29, 1978. The official explanation was that he 
had attempted to escape. 

The Abdallah Regime 

Following a few days of provisional government, the two 
men who had financed the coup, former president Ahmed 
x\bdallah (himself the victim of the 1975 coup) and former vice 
president Mohamed Ahmed, returned to Moroni from exile in 
Paris and installed themselves as joint presidents. Soon after, 
Abdallah was named sole executive. 

The continued presence of the mercenaries impeded 
Abdallah' s early efforts to stabilize Comoros. Denard seemed 
interested in remaining in Comoros, and he and his friends 
were given financially rewarding appointments with the new 
government. In reaction to Denard's involvement with Abdal- 
lah, the OAU revoked Comoros' OAU membership, Madagas- 
car severed diplomatic relations, and the United Nations (UN) 
threatened economic sanctions against the regime. France also 
exerted pressure for Denard to leave, and in late September — 
temporarily, as it developed — he departed the islands. 

Abdallah consolidated power, beginning with the writing of 
a new constitution. The document combined federalism and 
centralism. It granted each island its own legislature and con- 
trol over taxes levied on individuals and businesses resident on 
the island (perhaps with an eye to rapprochement with 
Mahore), while reserving strong executive powers for the presi- 
dent. It also restored Islam as the state religion, while acknowl- 
edging the rights of those who did not observe the Muslim 



154 



Port at Moroni, Njazidja, capital of Comoros 
Friday mosque and port, Moroni 
Courtesy Mari G. Borstelmann 



155 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

faith. The new constitution was approved by 99 percent of 
Comoran voters on October 1, 1978. The Comorans also 
elected Abdallah to a six-year term as president of what was 
now known as the Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros. 

Although Abdallah had been president when Comoros 
broke away from France in 1975, he now moved to establish a 
relationship much more to France's liking. Upon Denard's 
departure, he gave a French military mission responsibility for 
training Comoros' defense force. He also signed an agreement 
with France to allow its navy full use of Comoran port facilities. 

Making the most of Comoros' new presidential system, 
Abdallah induced the nation's National Assembly to enact a 
twelve-year ban on political parties, a move that guaranteed his 
reelection in 1984. In 1979 his government arrested Soilih 
regime members who had not already left or been killed dur- 
ing the 1978 coup. Four former ministers of the Soilih govern- 
ment disappeared and allegedly were murdered, and about 
300 other Soilih supporters were imprisoned without trial. For 
the next three years, occasional trials were held, in many cases 
only after France had insisted on due process for the prisoners. 

Although the restoration of good relations with France rep- 
resented a sharp break with the policies of the previous regime, 
Abdallah built on Soilih's efforts to find new sources of diplo- 
matic and economic support. Thanks in large part to aid from 
the European Community (EC — see Glossary) and the Arab 
states, the regime began to upgrade roads, telecommunica- 
tions, and port facilities. The government also accepted inter- 
national aid for programs to increase the cultivation of cash 
crops and food for domestic consumption. Abdallah endeav- 
ored to maintain the relations established by Soilih with China, 
Nigeria, and Tanzania, and to expand Comoros' contacts in the 
Islamic world with visits to Libya and the Persian Gulf states. 

Despite international assistance, economic development 
was slow. Although some Comorans blamed the French, who 
had yet to restore technical assistance to pre-1975 levels, others 
suspected that Abdallah, who owned a large import-export 
firm, was enriching himself from development efforts with the 
assistance of Denard, who continued to visit Comoros. 

Opposition to the Abdallah regime began to appear as early 
as 1979, with the formation of an exile-dominated group that 
became known as the United National Front of Comorans- 
Union of Comorans (Front National Uni des Komoriens- 
Union des Komoriens — FNUK-Unikom). In 1980 the Comoran 



156 



Comoros 



ambassador to France, Said Ali Kemal, resigned his position to 
form another opposition group, the National Committee for 
Public Safety (Comite National de Salut Public). A failed coup 
in February 1981, led by a former official of the Soilih regime, 
resulted in arrests of about forty people. 

In regard to Mahore, Abdallah offered little more than ver- 
bal resistance to a 1979 decision of the French government to 
postpone action on the status of the island until 1984. At the 
same time, he kept the door open to Mahore by writing a large 
measure of autonomy for the component islands of the repub- 
lic into the 1978 constitution and by appointing a Mahorais as 
his government's minister of finance. Having established an 
administration that, in comparison with the Soilih years, 
seemed tolerable to his domestic and international constituen- 
cies, Abdallah proceeded to entrench himself. He did this 
through domestic and international policies that would pro- 
foundly compromise Comoros' independence and create the 
chronic crisis that continued to characterize Comoran politics 
and government in 1994. 

The Undermining of the Political Process 

In February 1982, Comoros became a one-party state. The 
government designated Abdallah's newly formed Comoran 
Union for Progress (Union Comorienne pour le Progres — 
UCP) as the republic's sole political party. Although unaffili- 
ated individuals could run for local and national office, the 
only party that could organize on behalf of candidates hence- 
forth would be the UCP. In March 1982 elections, all but one of 
Abdallah's handpicked UCP candidates won. UCP candidates 
likewise dominated the May 1983 National Assembly elections, 
and opposition candidates attempting to stand for election in 
balloting for the three islands' legislative councils in July were 
removed from the lists by the Ministry of Interior. Abdallah 
himself was elected to a second six-year term as head of state in 
September 1984, winning more than 99 percent of the vote as 
the sole candidate. During the National Assembly elections of 
March 22, 1987, the Abdallah regime arrested 400 poll watch- 
ers from opposition groups. A state radio announcement that 
one non-UCP delegate had been elected was retracted the next 
day. 

Abdallah also kept opponents from competing with him in 
the arena of legitimate politics by reshuffling his government 
and amending the 1978 constitution. As part of what one 



157 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

observer wryly called the process of "remov[ing] his most avid 
successors from temptation," Abdallah pushed through a con- 
stitutional amendment in 1985 that abolished the post of 
prime minister, a move that made the president both head of 
state and head of the elected government. The amendment 
also diminished the status of Ali Mroudjae, the erstwhile prime 
minister and a likely future candidate for president. Another 
1985 amendment took away many of the powers of the presi- 
dent of the National Assembly, including his right to become 
interim head of state in the event of the incumbent's death. 
The amendment transferred the right of succession to the pres- 
ident of the Supreme Court, an appointee of the head of state. 
Feeling the effect of this second amendment was assembly pres- 
ident Mohamed Taki, another man generally regarded as presi- 
dential timber. 

Mroudjae's subsequent career in the Abdallah government 
illustrated the way in which Abdallah used frequent reshuf- 
flings of his cabinet to eliminate potential challengers. Mroud- 
jae's next job was to share duties as minister of state with four 
other people; he was removed from the government altogether 
in another reshuffle four months later. 

Looking to the end of his second (and, according to the 
constitution, final) term as head of state, Abdallah created a 
commission in 1988 to recommend changes to the constitu- 
tion. These changes, among other things, would permit him to 
run yet again in 1990. A referendum on revisions to the consti- 
tution was scheduled for November 4, 1989. 

A weak, divided, and opportunistic opposition facilitated 
Abdallah's efforts to undermine the political process. The char- 
acter of Comoran politics ensured that opposition would be 
sustained by an unwieldy group of strong personalities. As the 
personal stock of these would-be leaders rose and fell, coali- 
tions coalesced and just as quickly fell apart in a process that 
engendered distrust and cynicism. The ban on opposition 
political organizations at home — brutally upheld, when neces- 
sary, by the Presidential Guard (Garde Presidentielle — GP) 
and the Comoran military — further undercut efforts to orga- 
nize against the head of state. The French government's dis- 
pleasure at intrigues of Comoran exiles in Paris also 
complicated opposition efforts. 

Given the absence of an ideological basis for resisting the 
regime, it was also not surprising that some opposition leaders 
were willing to ally themselves with the head of state if such a 



158 



Comoros 



move appeared likely to advance them personally. For exam- 
ple, Mouzaoir Abdallah, leader of the opposition Union for a 
Democratic Republic in Comoros (Union pour une Repub- 
lique Democratique aux Comores — URDC) , appeared with the 
president at independence day celebrations in July 1988 amid 
rumors that the URDC chief was being considered for a recon- 
stituted prime minister's office. In September 1988, another 
opposition leader, Said Hachim, agreed to join the commission 
considering revisions to the constitution. 

The credibility of Abdallah's opponents was also damaged 
by the efforts of one opposition leader, former ambassador to 
France Said Ali Kemal, to recruit mercenaries to help over- 
throw the Abdallah government. Arrested in Australia in late 
1983, six of the mercenaries gave testimony discrediting Kemal. 

Mercenary Rule 

Abdallah complemented his political maneuvers by employ- 
ing a GP officered by many of the same mercenaries who had 
helped him take power in 1978. Denard led this force, and also 
became heavily involved in Comoran business activities, some- 
times acting in partnership with President Abdallah or as a 
front for South African business interests, which played a grow- 
ing role in the Comoran economy during the Abdallah regime. 

Although Denard had made a ceremonial departure from 
Comoros following the 1978 coup, by the early 1980s he was 
again openly active in the islands. The GP, whose numbers 
were reported to range from 300 to 700 members, primarily 
indigenous Comorans, were led by about thirty French and Bel- 
gian mercenaries, mostly comrades of Denard's in the post- 
World War II conflicts that accompanied the decolonization of 
Africa and Asia. Answerable only to the president, the GP oper- 
ated outside the chain of command of the French-trained 
1,000-member Comoran Armed Forces, a situation that caused 
resentment among the regular military, Comoran citizens, and 
other African states. 

The GP's primary missions were to protect the president 
and to deter attempts to overthrow his government. During the 
July 1983 elections to the three islands' legislative councils, the 
GP beat and arrested demonstrators protesting the republic's 
single-party system. During elections to the National Assembly 
in March 1987, the GP — which had become known as les 
affreux, "the frighteners" — replaced several hundred dissident 
poll watchers who had been arrested by the army. On March 8, 



159 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

1985, one of the most serious attempts to overthrow the Abdal- 
lah government began as a mutiny by about thirty Comoran 
troops of the GP against their European officers. The disaf- 
fected guards had formed ties to the Democratic Front (Front 
Democratique — FD), one of the more nationalistic of the 
republic's many banned political parties. The mutiny was 
quickly squelched; three of the rebellious guards were killed, 
and the rest were taken prisoners. 

President Abdallah used the uprising as an opportunity to 
round up dissidents, primarily FD members, whose leadership 
denied involvement in the coup attempt. Later in 1985, sev- 
enty-seven received convictions; seventeen, including the FD's 
secretary general, Mustapha Said Cheikh, were sentenced to 
life imprisonment at hard labor. Most of the prisoners were 
released in 1986 following Amnesty International charges of 
illegal arrests, torture, and other abuses. France had also 
exerted pressure by temporarily withholding new aid projects 
and purchases of Comoran vanilla. 

Perhaps the most notorious action of the GP on behalf of 
the Abdallah government occurred in November 1987. After 
an apparent attempt by dissidents to free some political prison- 
ers, an event quickly labeled a coup attempt by the Abdallah 
regime, the GP arrested fourteen alleged plotters and tortured 
seven of them to death. Officials of the Comoran government 
apparently were not allowed to participate in the prisoners' 
interrogation. President Abdallah was on a state visit to Egypt 
at the time. 

With Abdallah's acquiescence and occasional participation, 
Denard and the other GP officers used their connections to the 
head of state to make themselves important players in the 
Comoran economy. Denard was a part owner of Etablissements 
Abdallah et Fils, Comoros' largest import-export firm, whose 
primary owner was President Abdallah. Denard also owned and 
operated a highly profitable commercial shuttle between South 
Africa and Comoros, and owned Sogecom, a private security 
firm with contracts to protect South African hotels being built 
in the islands. 

The GP officers, sympathetic to South Africa's apartheid 
government, established themselves as a conduit of South Afri- 
can investment and influence in Comoros. An official South 
African trade representative conceded that a number of his 
country's investment projects, including a 525-hectare experi- 
mental farm, housing, road construction, and a medical evacu- 



Comoros 



ation program, were brokered and managed by guard officers 
at the mercenaries' insistence. 

The GP also arranged for South African commercial aircraft 
to fly in the Middle East and parts of Africa under the aegis of 
the Comoran national airline, in contravention of interna- 
tional sanctions against South Africa. Furthermore, the GP pro- 
vided for South African use of Comoran territory as a base for 
intelligence gathering in the Mozambique Channel and as a 
staging area for the shipment of arms to rightist rebels in 
Mozambique. The GP was widely understood to be funded by 
South Africa, at the rate of about US$3 million per year. 

Comoros as Client State: The Economics ofAbdallah 

President Abdallah generally put his personal interests 
ahead of national interests in making economic policy. The 
result was the creation of a client state whose meager and 
unpredictable cash crop earnings were supplemented with 
increasing infusions of foreign aid. 

Throughout the 1980s, export earnings from Comoros' four 
main cash crops — vanilla, ylang-ylang, cloves, and copra — 
experienced a wrenching sequence of booms and collapses 
because of weather and market factors, or else steadily dwin- 
dled. The regime's principal form of response was to apply the 
president's considerable diplomatic skills to developing an 
extensive network of governments and international organiza- 
tions willing to extend loans and donate aid. The main suppli- 
ers were France, South Africa, the EC, the conservative Arab 
states, the World Bank (see Glossary) and related organs, and 
regional financial institutions such as the Arab Bank for Eco- 
nomic Development in Africa and the African Development 
Bank. Some assistance went to projects of indisputable value, 
such as efforts to create independent news media and improve 
telephone communications with the outside world. Much of 
the aid, however, was questionable — for example, loans and 
grants to help the republic meet the payroll for its oversized 
civil service. Other more plausible projects, such as the pro- 
tracted development of a seaport at the town of Mutsamudu, 
construction of paved ring roads linking each island's coastal 
settlements, and the building of power stations, nonetheless 
tended to be instances of placing the cart before the horse. 
That is, capital-intensive improvements to infrastructure had 
not been coordinated with local development projects; hence, 
little, if any, domestic commerce existed to benefit from road 



161 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

networks, electrical power, and world-class port facilities. The 
importation of huge quantities of building materials and con- 
struction equipment provided immediate benefits to import- 
export firms in the islands, of which Etablissements Abdallah et 
Fils was the largest. In the meantime, the projects were of little 
immediate use to Comorans and were likely to go underused 
for years to come. 

Throughout the Abdallah period, rice imports drained as 
much as 50 percent of Comoran export earnings. Projects to 
increase food self-sufficiency, as one observer noted, "fail[ed] 
to respond to the largesse" provided by international sponsors 
such as the European Development Fund and the Interna- 
tional Fund for Agricultural Development. The president 
joined with vanilla growers in resisting international pressure 
to divert vanilla-producing land to the cultivation of corn and 
rice for domestic consumption. He also declined to heed 
World Bank advice to impose tariffs and domestic taxes on 
imported rice. Abdallah's import-export firm was heavily 
involved in vanilla exports, as well as in the importation of Far 
Eastern rice at three times its price at the source. 

Abdallah's firm, whose co-owners included Denard and Kal- 
fane and Company, a Pakistani concern, also profited from 
managing the importation of materials used by South African 
firms in developing tourist hotels. Little of the material used in 
building these resorts was of Comoran origin. Also, once com- 
pleted, the resorts would be almost entirely owned and man- 
aged by non-Comorans. Although tourism, mainly by South 
Africans who were unwelcome in other African resorts, was 
widely considered the only promising new industry in Como- 
ros, Abdallah guided its development so that resorts benefited 
few Comorans other than himself and his associates. 

Under Abdallah's tutelage, the Comoran economy finished 
the 1980s much as it had started the decade — poor, underde- 
veloped, and dependent on export earnings from cash crops of 
unpredictable and generally declining value. The critical dif- 
ference, with enormous implications for the republic's capacity 
to have some say in its own destiny, was its new status as a nation 
abjectly in debt. By 1988, the last full year of the Abdallah 
regime, 80 percent of annual public expenditures were funded 
by external aid (see Economy, this ch.). 

The Demise of Abdallah, 1989 

Only weeks before the violent end of the Abdallah regime in 
late 1989, one observer noted that "Comoros is still run like a 



162 



Comoros 



village, with a handful of tough men in charge and supported 
by foreign aid." As Comorans prepared for a November 4, 
1989, referendum on constitutional changes that would enable 
President Abdallah to run for a third term in 1990, human 
rights remained in precarious condition, and the only avenue 
of economic advancement for most islanders — the civil ser- 
vice — faced cutbacks at the urging of the World Bank and the 
International Monetary Fund (IMF — see Glossary) . Even those 
who would keep their government jobs, however, were not 
guaranteed economic security. As often occurred whenever 
export earnings slid, civil servants had not been paid since mid- 
summer. 

The official result of the referendum was a 92.5 percent 
majority in favor of the amendments proposed by Abdallah, 
which now created "the conditions for a life presidency," 
warned one opposition leader. Balloting was marked by the 
now customary manipulation by the government. Opposition 
groups reported that polling places lacked private voting 
booths, government officials blocked the entry of opposition 
poll watchers, and the army and police removed ballot boxes 
before voting ended. Reaction to these abuses was unusually 
angry. In Njazidja voters smashed ballot boxes rather than have 
them carted away by the army; the governor's office was set on 
fire in Nzwani, and a bomb was found outside the home of the 
minister of finance in Moroni. More than 100 people were 
arrested following the election, and in subsequent weeks the 
international media described a deteriorating situation in the 
islands; the head of state claimed that France "authorizes ter- 
rorism in the Comoros," and leaders of the banned opposition 
in bold public statements questioned the legitimacy of the ref- 
erendum. 

President Abdallah was shot to death on the night of 
November 26-27, reportedly while asleep in his residence, the 
Beit el Salama (House of Peace) . At first his death was seen as a 
logical outcome of the tense political situation following what 
was, in effect, his self-appointment as head of state for life. The 
recently dismissed head of the Comoran military was duly 
blamed for the murder. 

Evidence emerged subsequently that Abdallah's assassina- 
tion resulted from the late president's proposed actions with 
regard to the GP. In September 1989, Abdallah had engaged a 
French military consultant, who determined that the GP 
should be absorbed into the regular army. Following consulta- 



163 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

tions among Abdallah. the French government, and South 
Africa's Ministry of Foreign .Affairs, a decision was made to 
expel Denard and his fellow officers of the GP bv the end of 
1989. Denard and his second in command were seen walking: 
with Abdallah onlv hours before he died. Although the merce- 
nary initially blamed the assassination on the Comoran armv. 
he later conceded that he was in Abdallah's office when the 
president was killed, but called the shooting "an accident due 
to the general state of mayhem" in the Beit el Salama (see Polit- 
ical Dynamics, this ch. ) . 

Two days later, on November 29. the real reasons for the 
assassination emerged when Denard and the GP seized control 
of the government in a coup. Twenty-seven police officers were 
killed, hundreds of people were arrested, and all journalists 
were confined to their hotels. The mercenaries disarmed the 
regular armv. ousted provisional president Haribon Chebani, 
who as chief of the Supreme Court had succeeded Abdallah. 
and installed Mohamed Said Djohar. who just three days earlier 
had become chief of the Supreme Court, as Comoros' third 
president in less than a week. 

The immediate reaction of the republic's two main support- 
ers. France and South .Africa, was to isolate Denard. South 
.Africa, admitting: vears of funding; of the GP. cut off all aid. 
France began a military build-up on Mahore and likewise sus- 
pended aid. On December 7. anti-Denard demonstrations bv 
about 1.000 students and workers were violently broken up bv 
the protests. Bv then the islands' school system had shut down, 
and the civil service had gone on strike. Faced with an untena- 
ble situation. Denard surrendered to French forces without a 
fight on December 15. Alone with about two dozen comrades, 
he was flown to Pretoria and put under house arrest. The 
French government later announced that Denard would 
remain in detention in South .Africa pending the outcome of a 
French judicial inquiry into Abdallah's death. In February 
1993. he returned to France, where he was initially arrested, 
tried, and exonerated of involvement in the death of Abdallah. 

The Issue of Mahore 

One of the touchiest issues in the negotiations between 
Comoros and France over independence in the early 1970s had 
been whether the 1974 referendum would be considered for 
the Comoros archipelago as a whole or on an island-by-island 
basis. Opposition to independence on Mahore was organized 



164 



Comoros 



by the Mayotte Popular Movement (Mouvement Populaire 
Mahorais — MPM), an organization that had been founded in 
the 1960s by Zeina M'Dere, a spokeswoman for Mahore shop- 
keepers, mostly women, who had been affected economically 
when the colonial capital was moved from the Mahore town of 
Dzaoudzi to Moroni on Njazidja in 1962. 

The reasons behind Mahore's 65 percent vote against inde- 
pendence were several. First, the people of Mahore considered 
themselves culturally, religiously, and linguistically distinct 
from those of the other three islands; they felt that their long 
association with France (since 1841) had given their island a 
distinct Creole character like that of Reunion or Seychelles. 
Second, given Mahore's smaller population, greater natural 
resources, and higher standard of living, the Mahorais thought 
that their island would be economically viable within a French 
union and ought not to be brought down to the level of the 
other three poorer islands. Third, most Mahorais apparently 
felt that Mahore's future within a Comoran state would not be 
a comfortable one, given a perception of neglect that had 
begun with the much resented transfer of the capital. 

In France and among conservatives on Reunion, the 1974 
vote on Mahore in favor of continued association with France 
was greeted with great enthusiasm. Comoran leaders, in con- 
trast, accused the MPM and its leader, Marcel Henri, of fabri- 
cating the illusion of Mahorais "uniqueness" to preserve the 
power of Mahore's non-Muslim, Creole elite. The issue poi- 
soned Comoran relations with France, particularly because the 
Indian Ocean lobby, whose leaders included Reunion's deputy 
to the French National Assembly, Michel Debre, pushed for a 
"Mayotte francaise" (French Mayotte). Apparently leaning 
toward the interpretation that the December 1974 referendum 
was an island-by-island plebiscite, the French legislature voted 
in June 1975 to postpone independence for six months and 
hold a second referendum. The Abdallah government 
responded by declaring independence unilaterally on July 6, 
1975, for all Comoro Islands, including Mahore. France 
reacted by cutting off financial aid, which provided 41 percent 
of the national budget. Fearing a Comoran attempt to assert 
control of Mahore forcibly, France sent members of the For- 
eign Legion from Reunion and a fleet of three vessels to patrol 
the waters around the island on July 6-7. On November 12, 
1975, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution giving 



165 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Comoros UN membership and recognized its claims to 
Mahore, which France opposed. 

French policy toward Mahore had been, in the words of one 
observer, "to cultivate a more or less honest majority for reuni- 
fication among the uncooperative Mahorais," particularly after 
the forthrightly anti-French regime of Ali Soilih ended in 1978. 
By contrast, the Mahorais' objective appeared to be full depart- 
mental status such as that of Reunion, where residents enjoyed 
full rights as French citizens. In a 1976 referendum, the Maho- 
rais expressed dissatisfaction with their status as an overseas ter- 
ritory. France then created a new classification for Mahore — 
territorial community {collectivite territoriale) — under which 
Mahore was administered by a prefect appointed by the French 
government. Local government consisted of a popularly 
elected seventeen-member General Council. The island was 
entitled to send elected representatives to Paris, one each to 
the National Assembly and the Senate. The French franc 
served as the currency of the island. This status still applied in 
1994. 

After it appeared that Mahore would not be tempted by the 
federalist design of Ahmed Abdallah's 1978 constitution to join 
the Republic of the Comoros, the National Assembly in Paris 
decided in 1979 to prolong the existence of the collectivite terri- 
toriale until a 1984 plebiscite, resolving meanwhile to study the 
situation and consult with the islanders. In late 1984, with an 
overwhelming vote to remain associated with France in the off- 
ing, the French government postponed the plebiscite indefi- 
nitely. By mid-1994, it had still not been held, the Mahorais 
apparently still eager to remain part of France and as disin- 
clined as ever to reunite with the three troubled islands to their 
immediate west. 

Although many politically conservative French relished the 
Mahorais' popular vow that nous resterons francais pour rester libre 
("we will remain French to remain free"), the Mahore situation 
caused some discomfort for France internationally. Every year, 
resolutions calling on France to relinquish Mahore to Comoros 
passed with near unanimity in the UN, and the OAU likewise 
issued annual condemnations. Although Comoran official dis- 
taste for the situation became more muted in the 1980s and 
1990s, the Comoran government continued to draw French 
attention to the issue. In May 1990, newly elected president 
Said Mohamed Djohar called for peaceful dialogue and French 
review of Mahore's status. But feeling obligated not to change 



166 



Woman grinding coconuts, 
a staple food 
Courtesy 
Marl G. Borstelmann 



Women and children in 
front of houses on Mwali 
Courtesy 
Mari G. Borstelmann 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

the Mahorais' status against their will, the French could do lit- 
tle. Anti-Comoran riots and demonstrations, and the formation 
of an anti-immigrant paramilitary group on Mahore in 
response to the presence of illegal Comoran immigrants, were 
also sources of embarrassment to France. 

The economy of Mahore in some ways resembles that of 
Comoros. Rice, cassava, and corn are cultivated for domestic 
consumption; ylang-ylang and vanilla are the primary exports. 
The main imports, whose value far outstrips that of exports, are 
foodstuffs, machinery and appliances, transport equipment, 
and metals. Construction, primarily of French-funded public 
works, is the only industrial activity. 

A five-year development plan (1986-91) focused on large- 
scale public projects, principally construction of a deepwater 
port at Longoni and an airport at the capital, Dzaoudzi. The 
plan and its two main projects were later extended through 
1993. Despite Mahore's great natural beauty, tourism has been 
inhibited by a dearth of hotel rooms and the island's isolated 
location. 

Under French administration, Mahore generally enjoyed 
domestic peace and stability, although tensions appeared to be 
rising by the early 1990s. In the summer of 1991, the relocation 
of people from their homes to allow the expansion of the air- 
port met with vociferous protests, mostly by young people. The 
protests soon grew into violent demonstrations against the 
local government's administration of the island. Paramilitary 
attacks on Comoran immigrants occurred in June 1992, and a 
February 1993 general strike for higher wages ended in rioting. 
Security forces from Reunion and France were called in to 
restore order. 

Physical Environment 

The Comoros archipelago consists of four main islands 
aligned along a northwest-southeast axis at the north end of 
the Mozambique Channel, between Mozambique and the 
island of Madagascar (see fig. 6). Still widely known by their 
French names, the islands are officially called by their Swahili 
names by the Comoran government. They are Njazidja 
(Grande Comore), Mwali (Moheli), Nzwani (Anjouan), and 
Mahore (Mayotte). The islands' distance from each other — 
Njazidja is some 200 kilometers from Mahore, forty kilometers 
from Mwali, and eighty kilometers from Nzwani — and a lack of 



168 



Comoros 



good harbor facilities make transportation and communication 
difficult. The islands have a total land area of 2,236 square kilo- 
meters (including Mahore) and claim territorial waters that 
extend 320 kilometers offshore. 

Njazidja is the largest island, sixty-seven kilometers long and 
twenty-seven kilometers wide, with a total area of 1,146 square 
kilometers. The most recently formed of the four islands in the 
archipelago, it is also of volcanic origin. Two volcanoes form 
the island's most prominent topographic features: La Grille in 
the north, with an elevation of 1,000 meters, is extinct and 
largely eroded; Kartala in the south, rising to a height of 2,361 
meters, last erupted in 1977. A plateau averaging 600 to 700 
meters high connects the two mountains. Because Njazidja is 
geologically a relatively new island, its soil is thin and rocky and 
cannot hold water. As a result, water from the island's heavy 
rainfall must be stored in catchment tanks. There are no coral 
reefs along the coast, and the island lacks a good harbor for 
ships. One of the largest remnants of Comoros' once-extensive 
rain forests is on the slopes of Kartala. The national capital has 
been at Moroni since 1962. 

Nzwani, triangular shaped and forty kilometers from apex 
to base, has an area of 424 square kilometers. Three mountain 
chains — Sima, Nioumakele, and Jimilime — emanate from a 
central peak, Mtingui (1,575 meters), giving the island its dis- 
tinctive shape. Older than Njazidja, Nzwani has deeper soil 
cover, but overcultivation has caused serious erosion. A coral 
reef lies close to shore; the island's capital of Mutsamudu is also 
its main port. 

Mwali is thirty kilometers long and twelve kilometers wide, 
with an area of 290 square kilometers. It is the smallest of the 
four islands and has a central mountain chain reaching 860 
meters at its highest. Like Njazidja, it retains stands of rain for- 
est. Mwali's capital is Fomboni. 

Mahore, geologically the oldest of the four islands, is thirty- 
nine kilometers long and twenty-two kilometers wide, totaling 
375 square kilometers, and its highest points are between 500 
and 600 meters above sea level. Because of greater weathering 
of the volcanic rock, the soil is relatively rich in some areas. A 
well-developed coral reef that encircles much of the island 
ensures protection for ships and a habitat for fish. Dzaoudzi, 
capital of Comoros until 1962 and now Mahore's administrative 
center, is situated on a rocky outcropping off the east shore of 
the main island. Dzaoudzi is linked by a causeway to lie Pam- 



169 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

anzi, which at ten square kilometers in area is the largest of sev- 
eral islets adjacent to Mahore. Islets are also scattered in the 
coastal waters of Njazidja, Nzwani, and Mwali. 

Comoran waters are the habitat of the coelacanth, a rare 
fish with limblike fins and a cartilaginous skeleton, the fossil 
remains of which date as far back as 400 million years and 
which was once thought to have become extinct about 70 mil- 
lion years ago. A live specimen was caught in 1938 off southern 
Africa; other coelacanths have since been found in the vicinity 
of the Comoro Islands. 

Several mammals are unique to the islands themselves. The 
macao, a lemur found only on Mahore, is protected by French 
law and by local tradition. Another, Livingstone's fruit bat, 
although plentiful when discovered by explorer David Living- 
stone in 1863, has been reduced to a population of about 120, 
entirely on Nzwani. The world's largest bat, the jet-black Living- 
stone fruit bat has a wingspan of nearly two meters. A British 
preservation group sent an expedition to Comoros in 1992 to 
bring some of the bats to Britain to establish a breeding popu- 
lation. Humboldt's flycatcher is perhaps the best known of the 
birds native to Comoros. 

Partly in response to international pressures, Comorans in 
the 1990s have become more concerned about the environ- 
ment. Steps are being taken not only to preserve the rare 
fauna, but also to counteract degradation of the environment, 
especially on densely populated Nzwani. Specifically, to mini- 
mize the cutting down of trees for fuel, kerosene is being subsi- 
dized, and efforts are being made to replace the loss of the 
forest cover caused by ylang-ylang distillation for perfume. The 
Community Development Support Fund, sponsored by the 
International Development Association (IDA — a World Bank 
affiliate — see Glossary) and the Comoran government, is work- 
ing to improve water supply on the islands as well. 

The climate is marine tropical, with two seasons: hot and 
humid from November to April, the result of the northeastern 
monsoon, and a cooler, drier season the rest of the year. Aver- 
age monthly temperatures range from 23°C to 28°C along the 
coasts. Although the average annual precipitation is 2,000 milli- 
meters, water is a scarce commodity in many parts of Comoros. 
Mwali and Mahore possess streams and other natural sources 
of water, but Njazidja and Nzwani, whose mountainous land- 
scapes retain water poorly, are almost devoid of naturally occur- 
ring running water. Cyclones, occurring during the hot and 

i7n 



Comoros 



wet season, can cause extensive damage, especially in coastal 
areas. On the average, at least twice each decade houses, farms, 
and harbor facilities are devastated by these great storms. 

Society and Culture 

Comoran society and culture reflect the influences of Islam 
and the traditions of East Africa. The former provides the basis 
for religion and law; the East African influence is evident in the 
language, a Swahili dialect, and in a number of pre-Islamic cus- 
toms. Western, primarily French, influences are also prevalent, 
particularly in the modern educational sector, the civil service, 
and cultural affairs. 

Population 

The most recent official census by the Comoran govern- 
ment, conducted in 1991, put the islands' population, exclusive 
of Mahore, at 446,817. Official counts put the population of 
Mahore at 67,167 in 1985 and 94,410 in 1991— a 40 percent 
increase in just six years. 

Average population density in Comoros was 1 83 persons per 
square kilometer in 1980. This figure concealed a great dispar- 
ity between the republic's most crowded island, Nzwani, which 
had a density of 470 persons per square kilometer in 1991; 
Njazidja, which had a density of 250 persons per square kilome- 
ter in 1991; and Mwali, where the 1991 population density fig- 
ure was 120 persons per square kilometer. Overall population 
density increased to about 285 persons per square kilometer by 
1994. Mahore's population density went from 179 persons per 
square kilometer in 1985 to 251 per square kilometer in 1991. 

By comparison, estimates of the population density per 
square kilometer of the Indian Ocean's other island 
microstates ranged from 241 (Seychelles) to 690 (Maldives) in 
1993. Given the rugged terrain of Njazidja and Nzwani, and the 
dedication of extensive tracts to agriculture on all three islands, 
population pressures on Comoros are becoming increasingly 
critical. A similar situation obtains on Mahore. 

The age structure of the population of Comoros is similar to 
that of many developing countries, in that the republic has a 
very large proportion of young people. In 1989, 46.4 percent of 
the population was under fifteen years of age, an above-average 
proportion even for sub-Saharan Africa. The population's rate 
of growth was a very high 3.5 percent per annum in the mid- 



171 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

1980s, up substantially from 2.0 percent in the mid-1970s and 
2.1 percent in the mid-1960s. 

In 1983 the Abdallah regime borrowed US$2.85 million 
from the IDA to devise a national family planning program. 
However, Islamic reservations about contraception made forth- 
right advocacy and implementation of birth control programs 
politically hazardous, and consequently little was done in the 
way of public policy (see Status of Women, this ch.). 

The Comoran population has become increasingly urban- 
ized in recent years. In 1991 the percentage of Comorans resid- 
ing in cities and towns of more than 5,000 persons was about 30 
percent, up from 25 percent in 1985 and 23 percent in 1980. 
Comoros' largest cities were the capital, Moroni, with about 
30,000 people, and the port city of Mutsamudu, on the island 
of Nzwani, with about 20,000 people. Mahores capital, Dza- 
oudzi, had a population of 5,865 according to the 1985 census; 
the island's largest town, Mamoudzou, had 12,026 people. 

Migration among the various islands is relatively small. 
Natives of Njazidja often settle in less crowded Mwali, and 
before independence people from Nzwani commonly moved 
to Mahore. In 1977 Mahore expelled peasants from Njazidja 
and Nzwani who had recently settled in large numbers on the 
island. Some were allowed to reenter starting in 1981 but solely 
as migrant laborers. 

The number of Comorans living abroad has been estimated 
at between 80,000 and 100,000; most of them live in Tanzania, 
Madagascar, and other parts of East Africa. The number of 
Comorans residing in Madagascar was drastically reduced after 
anti-Comoran rioting in December 1976 in Mahajanga, in 
which at least 1,400 Comorans were killed. As many as 17,000 
Comorans left Madagascar to seek refuge in their native land in 
1977 alone. About 40,000 Comorans live in France; many of 
them had gone there for a university education and never 
returned. Small numbers of Indians, Malagasy, South Africans, 
and Europeans live on the islands and play an important role 
in the economy. 

Society 

The Comoran people are a blend of African, Arab, and 
Malayo-Indonesian elements. A few small communities, prima- 
rily in Mahore, speak kibushi, a Malagasy dialect. The principal 
Comoran Swahili dialect, written in Arabic script, is related to 
the Swahili spoken in East Africa but is not easily intelligible to 



172 



Comoros 



East African Swahili speakers. Classical Arabic is significant for 
religious reasons, and French remains the principal language 
with which the Republic of the Comoros communicates with 
the rest of the world. 

A number of ethnically distinguishable groups are found: 
the Arabs, descendants of Shirazi settlers, who arrived in signif- 
icant numbers in the fifteenth century; the Cafres, an African 
group that settled on the islands before the coming of the 
Shirazi; a second African group, the Makoa, descendants of 
slaves brought by the Arabs from the East African coast; and 
three groups of Malayo-Indonesian peoples — the Oimatsaha, 
the Antalotes, and the Sakalava, the latter having settled largely 
on Mahore. Intermarriage has tended to blur the distinctions 
among these groups, however. Creoles, descendants of French 
settlers who intermarried with the indigenous peoples, form a 
tiny but politically influential group on Mahore, numbering no 
more than about 100 on that island. They are predominantly 
Roman Catholic and mainly cultivate small plantations. In 
addition, a small group of people descended in part from the 
Portuguese sailors who landed on the Comoro Islands at the 
beginning of the sixteenth century are reportedly living 
around the town of Tsangadjou on the east coast of Njazidja. 

Shirazi Arab royal clans dominated the islands socially, 
culturally, and politically from the fifteenth century until the 
French occupation. Eleven such clans lived on Njazidja, where 
their power was strongest, and their leaders, the sultans or 
sharifs, who claimed to be descendants of the Prophet Muham- 
mad, were in a continual state of war until the French occupa- 
tion. Two similar clans were located on Nzwani, and these clans 
maintained vassals on Mahore and Mwali after the Sakalava 
wiped out the local nobles in the late eighteenth and early 
nineteenth centuries. Although the clan system was weakened 
by the economic and social dislocations of the colonial era, the 
descendants of clan nobles continue to form a major portion 
of the educated and propertied classes. The pre-independence 
rivalry of Said Mohamed Cheikh and Prince Said Ibrahim, 
leaders, respectively, of the conservative Parti Vert and the Parti 
Blanc, was interpreted by some as a revival of old clan antago- 
nisms. Yet many descendants of nobles live in poverty and 
apparently have less influence socially and politically on 
Nzwani than on Njazidja. 

The present-day elite, although composed in part of those 
of noble ancestry who took advantage of the opportunities of 



173 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

the cash crop economy established by the French, is mainly 
defined in terms of wealth rather than caste or descent. This 
focus on wealth is not unusual, considering that the original 
Shirazi settlers themselves were traders and that the precolo- 
nial sultans were actively involved in commerce. Conspicuous 
consumption continues to mark the lifestyle of the elite. 

Especially well regarded are those individuals who hold the 
grand manage, often after a lifetime of scrimping and saving. 
This wedding ceremony, which can cost as much as the equiva- 
lent of US$20,000 to US$30,000, involves an exchange of 
expensive gifts between the couple's families and feasts for an 
entire village. Although the gift giving and dancing that accom- 
pany the grand manage have helped perpetuate indigenous arts 
in silversmithing, goldsmithing, folk song, and folk dance, the 
waste involved has disastrous consequences for an economy 
already short on domestic resources. A ban or curb on the 
grand manage was on the agenda of many reformers in the 
period preceding the radical regime of Ali Soilih, who himself 
had taken the almost unheard-of step of declining to partici- 
pate in the ritual. However, the efforts of the Soilih govern- 
ment to restrict the custom aroused great resentment, and it 
was restored to its preeminent place in Comoran society almost 
immediately after Soilih was deposed in 1978. 

Although its expense limits the number of families that can 
provide their sons and daughters a grand manage, the ritual is 
still used as a means of distinguishing Comoran society's future 
leaders. Only by participating in the ceremony is a Comoran 
man entitled to participate in his village's assembly of notables 
and to wear the mharuma, a sash that entitles him to enter the 
mosque by a special door. Few, if any, candidates win election to 
the National Assembly without a grand manage in their pasts. 
For these reasons in particular, critics of traditional Comoran 
society condemn the grand manage as a means of excluding 
people of modest resources from participating in the islands' 
political life. 

Those who can afford the pilgrimage to Mecca are also 
accorded prestige. The imams who lead prayers in mosques 
form a distinct elite group. 

Despite the weakening of the position of the Shirazi elite, 
one observer reports that in many subtle ways old distinctions 
persist. The descendants of slaves, formally emancipated in 
1904, are mostly sharecroppers or squatters, working the land 
that belonged to their ancestors' former owners, although 

174 



Grand mosque, Nzwani 
Courtesy Brian Kensley 



175 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

some have gone abroad as migrant laborers (a greatly 
restricted option since Madagascar's expulsion of thousands of 
Comorans in the late 1970s). Men of "freeborn" families 
choose "freeborn" wives, holding, if possible, a grand mariage; 
but if they take second wives, these women often are of slave 
ancestry. 

Status of Women 

Among men who can afford it, the preferred form of mar- 
riage appears to be polygyny with matrilocal residence. 
Although the first marriage is formally initiated with the grand 
mariage when possible, subsequent unions involve much sim- 
pler ceremonies. The result is that a man will establish two or 
even more households and will alternate residence between 
them, a reflection, most likely, of the trading origins of the 
Shirazi elite who maintained wives at different trading posts. 
Said Mohamed Djohar, elected president in 1990, had two 
wives, one in Njazidja and the other in Nzwani, an arrange- 
ment said to have broadened his appeal to voters. For men, 
divorce is easy, although by custom a divorced wife retains the 
family home. 

Islamic law recognizes only male ownership and inheritance 
of land. In Comoros, however, certain landholdings called mag- 
nahouli are controlled by women and inherited through the 
female line, apparently in observance of a surviving matriar- 
chal African tradition. 

Despite their lower economic status, women married to 
farmers or laborers often move about more freely than their 
counterparts among the social elite, managing market stands 
or working in the fields. On Mwali, where traditional Islamic 
values are less dominant, women generally are not as strictly 
secluded. Women constituted 40.4 percent of the work force in 
1990, a figure slightly above average for sub-Saharan Africa. 

Girls are somewhat less likely than boys to attend school in 
Comoros. The World Bank estimated in 1993 that 67 percent 
of girls were enrolled in primary schools, whereas 82 percent of 
boys were enrolled. In secondary school, 15 percent of eligible 
Comoran girls were in attendance, in comparison with about 
19 percent of eligible boys. 

Although the 1992 constitution recognizes their right to suf- 
frage, as did the 1978 constitution, women otherwise play a 
limited role in politics in Comoros. By contrast, in Mahore 
female merchants sparked the movement for continued associ- 



176 



Comoros 



ation with France, and later, for continued separation from the 
Republic of the Comoros (see The Issue of Mahore, this ch.). 

Comoros accepted international aid for family planning in 
1983, but it was considered politically inexpedient to put any 
plans into effect. According to a 1993 estimate, there were 6.8 
births per woman in Comoros. By contrast, the figure was 6.4 
births per woman for the rest of sub-Saharan Africa (see Popu- 
lation, this ch.). 

In one of Comoran society's first acknowledgments of 
women as a discrete interest group, the Abdallah government 
organized a seminar, "Women, Family, and Development," in 
1986. Despite participants' hopes that programs for family 
planning and female literacy would be announced, conference 
organizers stressed the role of women in agriculture and family 
life. Women fared slightly better under the Djohar regime. In 
February 1990, while still interim president, Djohar created a 
cabinet-level Ministry of Social and Women's Affairs, and 
appointed a woman, Ahlonkoba Aithnard, to head it. She 
lasted until a few weeks after Djohar's election to the presi- 
dency in March, when her ministry was reorganized out of 
existence, along with several others. Another female official, 
Situ Mohamed, was named to head the second-tier Ministry of 
Population and Women's Affairs, in August 1991. She lost her 
position — and the subministry was eliminated — hardly a week 
later, in one of President Djohar's routine ministerial reshuf- 
flings. Djohar made another nod to women in February 1992, 
when he invited representatives of an interest group, the 
Women's Federation, to take part in discussions on what would 
become the constitution of 1992. Women apparently organized 
and participated in a large demonstration critical of French 
support of the Djohar regime in October 1992, following gov- 
ernment suppression of a coup attempt. 

Religion and Education 

Islam and its institutions help to integrate Comoran society 
and provide an identification with a world beyond the islands' 
shores. As Sunni Muslims, the people follow religious obser- 
vances conscientiously and strictly adhere to religious ortho- 
doxy. During the period of colonization, the French did not 
attempt to supplant Islamic customs and practices and were 
careful to respect the precedents of Islamic law as interpreted 
by the Shafii school (one of the four major legal schools in 
Sunni Islam, named after Muhammad ibn Idris ash Shafii, it 



177 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

stresses reasoning by analog) 7 ) . Hundreds of mosques dot the 
islands. 

Practically all children attend Quranic school for two or 
three years, starting around age five; there they learn the rudi- 
ments of the Islamic faith and some classical Arabic. When 
rural children attend these schools, they sometimes move away 
from home and help the teacher work his land. 

France established a system of primary and secondary 
schools based on the French model, which remains largely in 
place. Comoran law requires all children to complete nine 
years of schooling between the ages of seven and sixteen. The 
system provides six years of primary education for students 
ages seven to twelve, followed by seven years of secondary 
school. In recent years, enrollment has expanded greatly, par- 
ticularly at the primary level. About 20,750 pupils, or roughly 
75 percent of primary-school-age children were enrolled in 
1993, up from about 46 percent in the late 1970s. About 17 per- 
cent of the secondary-school-age population was enrolled, up 
from an estimated 7 percent fifteen to twenty years earlier. 
Teacher-student ratios also improved, from 47:1 to 36:1 in the 
primary schools and from 26:1 to 25:1 in secondary schools. 
The increased attendance was all the more significant given the 
population's high percentage of school-age children. Improve- 
ment in educational facilities was funded in 1993 by loans from 
the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries 
(OPEC) and the African Development Bank. Despite the 
spread of education, adult literacy in 1993 has been estimated 
at no better than 50 percent. 

Comoros has no university, but postsecondary education, 
which in 1993 involved 400 students, is available in the form of 
teacher training, agricultural education training, health sci- 
ences, and business. Those desiring higher education must 
study abroad; a "brain drain" has resulted because few univer- 
sity 7 graduates are willing to return to the islands. Teacher train- 
ing and other specialized courses are available at the MVouni 
School for Higher Education, in operation since 1981 at a site 
near Moroni. Few Comoran teachers study overseas, but the 
republic often cannot give its teachers all the training they 
need. Some international aid has been provided, however, to 
further teacher training in the islands themselves. For exam- 
ple, in 1987 the IDA extended credits worth US$7.9 million to 
train 3,000 primary and 350 secondary school teachers. In 
1986 the government began opening technology training cen- 



178 



Comoros 



ters offering a three-year diploma program at the upper sec- 
ondary level. The Ministry of National Education and 
Professional Training is responsible for education policy. 

As elsewhere in Comoran society, political instability has 
taken a toll on the education system. Routinely announced 
reductions in force among the civil service, often made in 
response to international pressure for fiscal reform, sometimes 
result in teacher strikes. When civil service cutbacks result in 
canceled classes or examinations, students have at times taken 
to the streets in protest. Students have also protested, even vio- 
lently, against government underfunding or general misman- 
agement of the schools — the World Bank stated in 1994 that 
the quality of education resulted in high rates of repetition and 
dropouts such that many students needed fourteen years to 
complete the six-year primary cycle. 

Public Health 

After independence in 1975, the French withdrew their 
medical teams, leaving the three islands' already rudimentary 
health care system in a state of severe crisis. French assistance 
was eventually resumed, and other nations also contributed 
medical assistance to the young republic. Despite improve- 
ments in life expectancy and the infant mortality rate, Como- 
ros in 1994 continued to face public health problems 
characteristic of developing countries. 

Life expectancy at birth was estimated at fifty-six years in 
1990, up from fifty-one years in 1980. The crude birthrate was 
forty-eight per 1,000 and the crude death rate, twelve per 1,000 
according to 1989 statistics. All three of these figures were close 
to the averages for sub-Saharan Africa. The rate of infant mor- 
tality per 1,000 live births was eighty-nine in 1991, down from 
113 in 1980. The 1990 average rate for sub-Saharan Africa was 
107. 

Malaria is ubiquitous in the islands, with 80 to 90 percent of 
the population said to be affected by the disease. Other preva- 
lent maladies include tuberculosis, leprosy, and parasitic dis- 
eases. In 1989 about half of all children one year old or 
younger had been immunized against tuberculosis, diphtheria, 
pertussis, tetanus, polio, and measles, a proportion roughly 
comparable to the rate of immunization among other states in 
sub-Saharan Africa. Per capita daily caloric intake in 1988 was 
2,046, about average for sub-Saharan Africa but only a little bet- 
ter than 90 percent of daily requirements. Children are most 



179 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



often the victims of malnutrition. Their generally poor diets 
are deficient in protein in part because local custom discour- 
ages the feeding of fish to children. The scarcity of safe drink- 
ing water — available to about one in three Comorans — makes 
intestinal parasites a problem and compounds malnutrition, 
with children again being the main victims. 

The World Bank estimated that in 1993 Comoros had one 
physician per 6,582 Comorans, a marked improvement over 
the ratio of one to 13,810 reported in 1983. Comparable data 
for sub-Saharan Africa as a whole were not available; however, it 
appeared that Comorans enjoyed a more favorable ratio than 
many of their neighbors in East Africa and the Indian Ocean. 

Despite improvements in life expectancy, infant mortality, 
and the number of physicians, the overall quality of care 
remains poor. About 80 percent of the population lives within 
one hour's walk of a health facility, usually headed by a trained 
nurse, but paramedical staff are in short supply, and many 
health facilities are in poor condition. Some international 
medical aid has been provided, mostly by France and the World 
Health Organization (WHO). 

Although Comoros lacks homegrown narcotics, the islands 
are used as a transit site for drugs coming mainly from Mada- 
gascar. In view of international concern about drug trafficking, 
in 1993 France began providing technical expertise in this field 
to Comoros. In addition, the World Bank in a 1994 report 
pointed out the "high prevalence of sexually transmitted dis- 
eases and the low use of condoms" as a significant health threat 
with regard to the spread of acquired immune deficiency syn- 
drome (AIDS) , which already affected the islands. However, in 
the period prior to 1990 and extending through 1992, the 
WHO reported that Comoros had a very low incidence of 
AIDS — a total of three cases with no case reported in 1992, or 
an overall case rate of 0.1 per 100,000 population. 

Media 

As recently as the early 1980s Comoros had no national 
media. State-run Radio Comoros, transmitting from Njazidja, 
was not strong enough to send clear signals to the republic's 
other two islands. In 1984 France agreed to provide Radio 
Comoros with funding for an FM (frequency modulation) 
transmitter strong enough to broadcast to all three islands, and 
in 1985 made a commitment to fund a national newspaper 
after a United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural 



180 



Comoros 



Organization (UNESCO) study revealed that Comoros was the 
only UN member lacking print and electronic media. A state- 
owned newspaper, Al Watwany, began operations in July 1985, 
first as a monthly and soon afterward as a weekly. An indepen- 
dent weekly, L'Archipel, began publishing in 1988. A news 
agency, Agence Comores Presse, is now based in Moroni, and 
France has provided funds for establishing a national television 
service. In 1989 Comoros had an estimated 61,000 radios and 
200 television sets. 

In addition to national broadcasts on FM in Comoran Swa- 
hili and French, Radio Comoros in 1994 broadcast internation- 
ally on the shortwave band in Swahili, Arabic, and French. An 
independent commercial FM radio station, Radio Tropique 
FM, began broadcasting in 1991, although it and its director, 
political activist Ali Bakar Cassim, have both been the object of 
government ire over the station's readiness to criticize the Djo- 
har regime. 

During the independent media's brief career, its representa- 
tives occasionally have been rounded up along with other crit- 
ics of the government during the republic's recurrent bouts of 
political crisis. However, outlets such as Radio Tropique FM 
and L'Archipel, which is noted for its satirical column, "Winking 
Eye," continue to provide independent political commentary. 

Economy 

During the colonial period, the French and local leading 
citizens established plantations to grow cash crops for export. 
Even after independence, French companies, such as Societe 
Bambao and Etablissements Grimaldi — and other concerns, 
such as Kalfane and Company and, later, President Abdallah's 
Etablissements Abdallah et Fils — dominated the Comoran 
economy. These firms diverted most of their profits overseas, 
investing little in the infrastructure of the islands beyond what 
was needed for profitable management of the plantations, or 
what could benefit these businesses' associates or related con- 
cerns. A serious consequence of this approach has been the 
languishing of the food-crop agricultural sector and the result- 
ant dependence on overseas food imports, particularly rice. In 
1993 Comoros remained hostage to fluctuating prices on the 
international market for such crops as vanilla, ylang-ylang, and 
cloves. 

Comoros is one of the world's poorest countries; its per cap- 
ita gross national product (GNP — see Glossary) was estimated 



181 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

at US$400 in 1994, following the January devaluation of the 
Comoran franc. Although GNP increased in real terms at an 
average annual rate of 3.1 percent during the 1980s, rapid pop- 
ulation growth effaced these gains and caused an average 
annual decrease in per capita GNP of 0.6 percent. Gross 
domestic product (GDP — see Glossary) grew in real terms by 
4.2 percent per year from 1980 to 1985, 1.8 percent from 1985 
to 1988, and 1.5 percent in 1990. In 1991, because of its bal- 
ance of payments difficulties, Comoros became eligible for the 
IDA's Special Program of Assistance for debt-distressed coun- 
tries of sub-Saharan Africa. 

The economy is based on private ownership, frequently by 
foreign investors. Nationalization, even during the Soilih years, 
has been limited. Soilih did expropriate the facilities of a for- 
eign oil company, but only after the government of Madagascar 
took over the company's plants in that country. The Abdallah 
government, despite its openness to foreign participation in 
the economy, nationalized the Societe Bambao and another 
French-capitalized firm, the Comoran Meat Company (Societe 
Comorienne des Viandes — Socovia) , which specialized in sales 
of meat and other foods in the islands. The nationalization was 
short-lived, however, because Socovia and other government- 
held enterprises were either liquidated or privatized as part of 
economic restructuring efforts in 1992. 

Following the Abdallah regime's rapprochement with 
France in 1978, the Comoran economy became increasingly 
dependent on infusions of French aid, along with assistance 
from other governments and international organizations. By 
1990, the year Comoros concluded negotiations with the IMF 
for an economic restructuring program, the republic's total 
external public debt was US$162.4 million, an amount equal to 
about three-quarters of GNP. The government delayed imple- 
menting the structural adjustment plan and was directed by the 
World Bank and the IMF to do so by September 1992. The plan 
recommendations entailed discharging about 2,800 of 9,000 
civil servants, among other unpopular measures. The IMF 
granted Comoros a new credit for US$1.9 million in March 
1994 under the Structural Adjustment Facility. For the period 
1994-96, Comoros sought an economic growth rate of 4 per- 
cent, as well as an inflation rate of 4 percent for 1995-96. The 
growth rate for 1994, however, was estimated only at 0.7 per- 
cent and the inflation rate at 15 percent. Meanwhile, in a move 
designed to encourage private enterprise and reduce unem- 



182 




Village on Njazidja 
Market on Mwali 
Courtesy Mari G. Borstelmann 



183 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



ployment, in May 1993 the UN Development Programme had 
given Comoros a credit of US$2 million for programs in these 
areas. In January 1994, the European Development Fund 
(EDF) granted 1.3 million European Currency Units (ECUs — 
see Glossary) to Comoros to develop small businesses. Como- 
ros also received 5.7 million French francs from the French Aid 
and Cooperation Fund for agriculture and rural development. 

The results of foreign aid to Comoros have been mixed at 
best. The purposes of the aid ranged from helping the govern- 
ment cover its payroll for such huge, seemingly endless projects 
as expanding the seaport at Moroni and developing a new port 
at Mutsamudu on Nzwani. Neither project had shown much 
promise by mid-1994. Meanwhile, the islands have been unable 
to develop local resources or create the infrastructure needed 
for economic development. The few successes include the cre- 
ation of national news media and limited improvements in 
public health, education, and telecommunications. Develop- 
mental assistance from the United States, which totaled 
US$700,000 in fiscal year (FY— see Glossary) 1991, was admin- 
istered by CARE, the nongovernmental organization, and 
focused primarily on reforestation, soil conservation, and sus- 
tainable development in agriculture. 

The overall effect of the republic's dependence on aid has 
been perennial trade deficits accompanied by chronic budget 
deficits. In 1992 total exports had a value of US$21 million, 
and total imports were valued at US$50 million. In 1991 
receipts totaled about US$34.7 million (CF9.7 trillion; CF— 
Comoran franc; for value of the Comoran franc — see Glossary) 
whereas expenditures totaled about US$93.8 million (CF26.2 
trillion). The shortfall, which equaled about 170 percent of 
receipts, was financed by international grants and loans, by 
drawing upon existing lines of credit, and by debt reschedul- 
ing. 

In 1991 France received 55 percent of Comoran exports, 
followed by the United States (19 percent) and Germany (16 
percent) . The main export products were vanilla, ylang-ylang, 
and cloves. The republic's primary suppliers were France (56 
percent of imports), the Belgium-Luxembourg economic 
union (11 percent), and Japan (5 percent). Imports consisted 
of basic foodstuffs (rice and meat), petroleum, and construc- 
tion materials. 

Comoros has officially participated in the African Franc 
Zone (Communaute Financiere Africaine — CFA; see Glossary) 



184 



Comoros 



since 1979. The CFA franc was devalued by 50 percent on Janu- 
ary 12, 1994, causing the exchange rate to become 100 CFA 
francs for one French franc. Subsequently, the Comoran franc 
was devalued so that instead of being directly aligned with the 
CFA franc, seventy-five Comoran francs equaled one French 
franc. 

The banking system consists of the Central Bank of Como- 
ros (Banque Centrale des Comores) established in 1981; the 
Bank for Industry and Commerce (Banque pour l'lndustrie et 
le Commerce — BIC), a commercial bank established in 1990 
that had six branches in 1993 and is a subsidiary of the 
National Bank of Paris-International (Banque Nationale de 
Paris-Internationale); BIC Afribank, a BIC subsidiary; and the 
Development Bank of Comoros (Banque de Developpement 
des Comores), established in 1982, which provides support for 
small and midsize development projects. Most of the shares in 
the Development Bank of Comoros are held by the Comoran 
government and the central bank; the rest are held by the 
European Investment Bank and the Central Bank for Eco- 
nomic Cooperation (Caisse Centrale de Cooperation 
Economique — CCCE), a development agency of the French 
government. All of these banks have headquarters in Moroni. 

A national labor organization, the Union of Comoran Work- 
ers (Union des Travailleurs des Comores), also has headquar- 
ters in Moroni. Strikes and worker demonstrations often occur 
in response to political crises, economic restructuring man- 
dated by international financial organizations, and the failure 
of the government — occasionally for months at a time — to pay 
civil servants. 

Agriculture, Livestock, and Fishing 

Agriculture supported about 80 percent of the population 
and supplied about 95 percent of exports in the early 1990s. 
Two agricultural zones are generally defined: the coastal area, 
which ranges in elevation from sea level to 400 meters and 
which supports cash crops such as vanilla, ylang-ylang, and 
cloves; and the highlands, which support cultivation of crops 
for domestic consumption, such as cassava, bananas, rain-fed 
rice, and sweet potatoes. As the population increased, food 
grown for domestic use met fewer and fewer of Comorans' 
needs. Data collected by the World Bank showed that food pro- 
duction per capita fell about 12 percent from 1980 to 1987. 
The republic imports almost all its meat and vegetables; rice 



185 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

imports alone often account for up to 30 percent of the value 
of all imports. 

Comoros is the world's principal producer of ylang-ylang 
essence, an essence derived from the flowers of a tree originally 
brought from Indonesia that is used in manufacturing per- 
fumes and soaps. Ylang-ylang essence is a major component of 
Chanel No. 5, the popular scent for women. The republic is the 
world's second largest producer of vanilla, after Madagascar. 
Cloves are also an important cash crop. A total of 237 tons of 
vanilla was exported in 1991, at a price of about CF19 per kilo- 
gram. A total of 2,750 tons of cloves was exported in 1991, at a 
price of CF397 per kilogram. That year forty-three tons of 
ylang-ylang essence were exported at a price of about CF23,000 
per kilogram. The production of all three commodities fluctu- 
ates wildly, mainly in response to changes in global demand 
and natural disasters such as cyclones. Profits — and, therefore, 
government receipts — likewise skyrocket and plummet, wreak- 
ing havoc with government efforts to predict revenues and 
plan expenditures. Stabex (Stabilization of Export Earnings — 
see Glossary) , a system of the EC, provides aid to Comoros and 
other developing countries to mitigate the effects of fluctua- 
tions in the prices of export commodities. 

Long-term prospects for the growth and stabilization of the 
markets for vanilla and ylang-ylang did not appear strong in the 
early 1990s. Vanilla faced increased competition from synthetic 
flavorings, and the preferences of perfume users were moving 
away from the sweet fragrance provided by ylang-ylang essence. 
Copra, the dried coconut meat that yields coconut oil, once an 
important Comoran export, had ceased to be a significant fac- 
tor in the economy by the late 1980s, when the world's tastes 
shifted from high-fat coconut oil toward "leaner" substances 
such as palm oil. Although clove production and revenues also 
experienced swings, in the early 1990s cloves did not appear to 
face the same sorts of challenges confronting vanilla and ylang- 
ylang. Most Comoran vanilla is grown on Njazidja; Nzwani is 
the source of most ylang-ylang. 

Numerous international programs have attempted to 
reduce the country's dependence on food imports, particularly 
of rice, a major drain on export earnings. Organizations initiat- 
ing these rural development programs have included the EDF, 
the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), 
the World Food Program, the Arab Bank for Economic Devel- 
opment in Africa, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, 



186 



Comoros 



and the governments of France and the United States. Despite 
these international efforts, which numbered as many as seven- 
teen in 1984, food production per capita actually declined in 
Comoros during the 1980s. The major clove and vanilla grow- 
ers, whose plantations occupy the islands' fertile coastal lands, 
generally resisted these restructuring efforts, as did rice- 
importing firms, including the country's largest, Etablisse- 
ments Abdallah et Fils. 

Crowded onto the mountain slopes by the cash-crop planta- 
tions, food-crop farmers have caused deforestation and the ero- 
sion of the highlands' thin, fragile soil. In response, aid 
providers have dedicated an increasing amount of agricultural 
assistance to reforestation, soil restoration, and environmen- 
tally sensitive means of cultivation. For example, all United 
States agricultural aid in 1991 (US$700,000) was directed to 
such projects, as was a US$4 million loan from the IFAD to help 
initiate a small producers' support program on Nzwani. 

The livestock sector is small — some 47,000 cattle, 120,000 
goats, 13,000 sheep, and 4,000 asses in 1990. Comoros contin- 
ues to import most domestically consumed meat. 

Since the latter part of the 1980s, Comoros has made head- 
way in developing fisheries as a source of export earnings. In 
1988 the government concluded a three-year agreement with 
the EC by which forty French and Spanish vessels would be per- 
mitted to fish in Comoran waters, primarily for tuna. In return, 
Comoros would receive ECU300,000, and ECU50,000 would be 
invested in fisheries research. In addition, fishing vessel opera- 
tors would pay ECU20 per ton of tuna netted. Although the 
deep waters outside the islands' reefs do not abound in fish, it 
has been estimated that up to 30,000 tons of fish could be 
taken per year from Comoran waters (which extend 320 kilo- 
meters offshore). The total catch; in 1990 was 5,500 tons. Japan 
has also provided aid to the fishing industry. Fisheries develop- 
ment is overseen by a state agency, the Development Company 
for Small-Scale Fisheries of Comoros (Societe de Developpe- 
ment de la Peche Artisanale des Comores) . 

Industry and Infrastructure 

Industrial activities are responsible for only a tiny portion of 
Comoran economic activity — about 5 percent of GDP in 1994. 
Principal industries are those that involve processing cash 
crops for export: preparing vanilla and distilling ylang-ylang 
into perfume essence. These activities were once controlled 



187 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

almost entirely by French companies, but as they closed 
unprofitable plantations, individual farmers set up many small, 
inefficient distilleries. Comorans also produce handicrafts for 
export. Other industries are small and geared to internal mar- 
kets: sawmills, printing, carpentry, and the production of 
shoes, plastics, yogurt, handicrafts (such as the jewelry 
exchanged as part of the grand mariage) , and small fishing 
boats. Several factors provide major obstacles to the growth of 
industry: the islands' geographically isolated position, their dis- 
tance from each other, a scarcity of raw materials and skilled 
labor, and the high cost of electricity (energy is produced by 
hydropower, imported petroleum, and wood products) and 
transportation. Value added in industry slowly declined 
throughout the 1980s. 

Perhaps the primary outcome of South African penetration 
of the Comoran economy during the Abdallah regime was the 
development of tourism. Although South African investors 
built or renovated several hotels during the 1980s (with assis- 
tance from the South African and Comoran governments), 
only one resort, the 182-room Galawa Beach on Njazidja, was 
operating by late 1992. About 100 other hotel rooms are avail- 
able on the islands. Political instability, a declining South Afri- 
can interest in the islands as the apartheid regime was 
disassembled and other tropical tourism venues became more 
welcoming, and the need to import most construction materi- 
als and consumable supplies inhibited the growth of tourism, 
despite the islands' physical beauty. Nonetheless, in large part 
thanks to Galawa Beach, which had been closed during 1990, 
tourism increased from 7,627 visitors in 1990 to about 19,000 
in 1992. Most of these tourists were Europeans, primarily 
French. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

The relative isolation of the Comoro Islands had made air 
traffic a major means of transportation. One of President 
Abdallah's accomplishments was to make Comoros more acces- 
sible by air. During his administration, he negotiated agree- 
ments to initiate or enhance commercial air links with 
Tanzania and Madagascar. The Djohar regime reached an 
agreement in 1990 to link Moroni and Brussels by air. By the 
early 1990s, commercial flights connected Comoros with 
France, Mauritius, Kenya, South Africa, Tanzania, and Mada- 
gascar. The national airline is Air Comores. Daily flights link 



188 



Nzwani factory that distils 
oil from lemongrass 
Courtesy Brian Kensley 




Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

the three main islands, and air service is also available to 
Mahore; each island has airstrips. In 1986 the republic received 
a grant from the French government's CCCE to renovate and 
expand Hahaya airport, near Moroni. Because of the absence 
of regularly scheduled sea transport between the islands, nearly 
all interisland passenger traffic is by air. 

More than 99 percent of freight is transported by sea. Both 
Moroni on Njazidja and Mutsamudu on Nzwani have artificial 
harbors. There is also a harbor at Fomboni, on Mwali. Despite 
extensive internationally financed programs to upgrade the 
harbors at Moroni and Mutsamudu, by the early 1990s only 
Mutsamudu was operational as a deepwater facility. Its harbor 
can accommodate vessels of up to eleven meters' draught. At 
Moroni, ocean-going vessels typically lie offshore and are 
loaded or unloaded by smaller craft, a costly and sometimes 
dangerous procedure. Most freight continues to be sent to 
Kenya, Reunion, or Madagascar for transshipment to Comoros. 
Use of Comoran ports is further restricted by the threat of 
cyclones from December through March. The privately oper- 
ated Comoran Navigation Company (Societe Comorienne de 
Navigation) is based in Moroni and provides services to Mada- 
gascar. ) 

Roads serve the coastal areas, rather than the interior, and 
the mountainous terrain makes surface travel difficult. In 1987 
the total length of roads in Comoros was about 750 kilometers, 
including both paved and dirt roads. 

In large part thanks to international aid programs, Moroni 
has international telecommunications service. Telephone ser- 
vice, however, is largely limited to the islands' few towns. Some 
3,000 telephones were in use in 1991. 

Government and Politics 

The Constitution of the Federal Islamic Republic of the 
Comoros was approved by referendum on June 7, 1992. It 
replaced the constitution of 1978, as amended in 1982 and 
1985. Among the general principles enumerated in the pream- 
ble are the recognition of Islam as the state religion and 
respect for human rights as set forth in the UN Universal Dec- 
laration of Human Rights. All citizens are declared equal 
before the law. 

The president is elected by direct universal suffrage to a five- 
year term and is limited to two terms. All persons over the age 
of eighteen who possess full civil and political rights may vote. 



190 



Comoros 



The president may be elected to no more than two terms. The 
president is both head of state and head of government. The 
president nominates ministers to form the Council of Govern- 
ment, which had twelve members in the latter half of 1994. The 
ministries are routinely reshuffled, merged, eliminated, and 
resurrected. In 1994 the Council of Government consisted of : 
the prime minister, who also served as minister of civil service, 
and the ministers of Economy, Plan, Industry, and Handicrafts; 
Equipment, Energy, Urbanization, and Housing; Finance and 
Budget; Foreign Affairs and Cooperation; Information, Cul- 
ture, Youth, Sports, and Posts and Telecommunication; Islamic 
Affairs and Justice; National Education and Technical and Pro- 
fessional Teaching; Public Health; Rural Development, Fisher- 
ies, and the Environment; Social Affairs, Work, and 
Employment; and Transportation and Tourism. The president 
also nominates governors for each of the three islands for five- 
year terms. If the presidency becomes vacant, the president of 
the Supreme Court serves as interim president until an elec- 
tion can be held. 

The constitution provides for a bicameral legislature. The 
forty-two members of the "lower" house, the Federal Assembly, 
represent electoral wards for four-year terms. The Federal 
Assembly meets for two forty-five-day sessions per year, in April 
and October. The upper house, the Senate, has fifteen mem- 
bers, five from each island, who are chosen by an Electoral Col- 
lege. The post of prime minister is held by a member of the 
party holding a majority of seats in the Federal Assembly. The 
number of political parties may be regulated by federal law. In 
1994 more than twenty political parties were active. Areas sub- 
ject to federal legislation include defense, communications, 
law, international trade, federal taxation, economic planning, 
and social services. 

As a federal republic, Comoros assigns autonomy to the 
three constituent islands in matters that, in accordance with 
the constitution, do not come within the purview of the 
national government. Each island has a council whose mem- 
bers are elected to represent electoral wards for four-year 
terms. Normally, each council meets twice yearly, in March and 
December, for a fifteen-day session (see Political Dynamics, this 
ch.). 

The judiciary is considered independent of the executive 
and legislature.. The Supreme Court examines constitutional 
issues and supervises presidential elections. The high court 



191 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

also arbitrates when the government is accused of malpractice. 
The Supreme Court normally consists of at least seven mem- 
bers: two chosen by the president, two elected by the Federal 
Assembly, and three chosen by the respective island councils. 
Former presidents also may serve on the high court. 

Political Dynamics 

In the immediate aftermath of the Abdallah assassination 
and subsequent events of late 1989, a limited amount of politi- 
cal healing occurred in Comoros. Denard and his fellow mer- 
cenaries were expelled, although the fate of their vast financial 
holdings in the islands remained unclear. With the South Afri- 
can government temporarily out of the picture, French offi- 
cials now oversaw the police and the army, and the remnants of 
the GP were under the watchful eye of French paratroopers. 
Among those released in a general amnesty for political prison- 
ers was Mustapha Said Cheikh, leader of the opposition FD 
who had been imprisoned for four years for alleged involve- 
ment in the unsuccessful March 1985 coup. He was quickly pro- 
posed as a possible presidential candidate. Also suggested was 
Mohamed Taki, one-time National Assembly president whose 
power had been diminished by Abdallah's constitutional 
maneuvers; he had subsequently gone into exile in France, 
where his entourage reportedly included two mercenary body- 
guards. Also announcing for the presidency was Said Ali 
Kemal, who had been living in quiet exile in Paris since being 
exposed as the sponsor of Australian mercenaries who had 
plotted to overthrow the Abdallah government in 1983. In late 
December 1989, members of the formerly banned opposition, 
along with President Djohar, decided to form a provisional 
"national unity" government and to hold a multiparty presiden- 
tial election in 1990. 

In an awkward but somehow effective campaign to keep 
himself in power, Djohar spent much of the early 1990s playing 
a political shell game with the opposition. He moved election 
dates backward and forward and sanctioned irregularities, giv- 
ing his opponents little choice but to condemn the balloting as 
invalid. Djohar began this strategy within weeks of his installa- 
tion as interim president, rescheduling the presidential elec- 
tion set for January 14, 1990, to February 18. Djohar's decision 
was met with demonstrations and violence that marked an 
abrupt end to the post-Abdallah period of national unity, 
hardly three weeks after Bob Denard had been expelled from 



192 



Comoros 



the country. The February 18 balloting broke down shortly 
after the polls opened. The government was accused of wide- 
spread fraud, including issuing multiple voting cards to some 
voters and opening the polls to voters who looked well below 
the minimum age of eighteen. 

Elections were rescheduled for March 4, 1990, with a runoff 
on March 11; Djohar was the official victor, claiming 55 percent 
of the vote over runner-up Mohamed Taki's 45 percent. Djohar 
had run under the banner of the Union Comorienne pour le 
Progres (Udzima — Comoran Union for Progress), basically a 
recycled version of Ahmed Abdallah's old UCP, whereas Taki 
had represented the National Union for Comoran Democracy 
(Union Nationale pour la Democratic Comorienne — UNDC) . 
As would be the case in other Comoran elections in the 1990s, 
the sole major issue appeared to be the character and ability of 
the incumbent president rather than any matter of public pol- 
icy or ideology. The Supreme Court certified the results of the 
election, despite strong evidence that the Ministry of Interior 
had altered the vote count, especially in the first round, to 
favor Djohar at Taki's expense. 

In March 1992, with two of the government's Udzima minis- 
ters having broken away to form a new party and conflict 
among the remaining Udzima ministers growing, Djohar 
headed off the complete collapse of his government by conven- 
ing a multiparty constitutional convention. He scheduled a ref- 
erendum on the new document in May, with general elections 
in June and balloting for local offices in July. After one post- 
ponement, the referendum was held on June 7. The Constitu- 
tion of 1992 passed with about 74 percent of the vote, despite 
intensive campaigning against it by the FD and Udzima, which 
by this point opposed President Djohar. Among the new docu- 
ment's elements were articles calling for a bicameral legislature 
and a limit on presidential tenure to two five-year terms. 

The legislative elections, postponed several times, finally 
were held on November 22 and 29, 1992. They were preceded 
in late September by an attempted coup by junior army offic- 
ers, allegedly with the support of opposition politicians. Possi- 
ble motives for the coup were an unpopular restructuring 
program mandated by the World Bank, which entailed sharp 
reductions in the number of civil servants, and President Djo- 
har's ambiguous threat on September 10 that his main oppo- 
nents would "not be around for the elections." Djohar used the 
coup attempt as an opportunity to jail six military men and six 



193 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

opposition leaders "under conditions of extreme illegality," 
according to the Comoran Association for Human Rights 
(Association Comorienne des Droits Humains — ACDH). 

Although a trio of French public officials sent to observe the 
balloting judged the election generally democratic, President 
Djohar's most prominent and determined opponents spent the 
voting days either in hiding or in jail. Two of the most impor- 
tant of the republic's twenty-four political parties, Udzima and 
the UNDC, boycotted the election. Given the president's own 
lack of party support, he spent most of 1993 cobbling together 
one government after another; at one point, in late spring 
1993, he formed two governments in the space of three weeks. 

The events of a single day in July 1993 perhaps summed up 
the near-term prospects of politics in Comoros. On July 23, 
heeding demands that he call legislative elections (he had dis- 
solved parliament on June 18 because of its inability to agree 
on a candidate for prime minister and because of the lack of a 
government majority) or else face the prospect of "other forms 
of action" by the opposition, Djohar scheduled voting for late 
October. That same day, his government arrested two opposi- 
tion leaders for public criticism of the president. 

The scheduled elections were again postponed — for the 
fourth time — until December 1993. On November 17, 1993, 
Djohar created a new National Electoral Commission, said to 
be appropriately representative of the various political parties. 
Meanwhile Djohar had established a new progovernment 
party, the Rally for Democracy and Renewal (Rassemblement 
pour la Democratic et le Renouveau — RDR) . In the first round 
of elections on December 12, which featured twenty-four par- 
ties with 214 candidates for forty-two seats, various voting irreg- 
ularities occurred, including the failure to issue voting cards to 
some 30 percent of eligible voters. The government 
announced that Djohar's party had won twenty-one seats with 
three seats remaining to be contested. Most opposition parties 
stated that they would not sit in the assembly and also refused 
to participate in the postponed second-stage elections, which 
were supervised by the Ministry of Interior and the gendarme- 
rie after the National Electoral Commission disintegrated. As a 
result, the RDR gained a total of twenty-two seats, and Djohar 
appointed RDR secretary general Mohamed Abdou Madi as 
prime minister. 

Denouncing the proceedings, on January 17, 1994, thirteen 
opposition parties formed a combined Forum for National 



194 



Comoros 



Recovery (Forum pour le Redressement National — FRN) . The 
Udzima Party began broadcasting articles about Comoros 
appearing in the Indian Ocean Newsletter, including criticisms of 
the RDR. In consequence, its radio station, Voix des lies (Voice 
of the Islands) , was confiscated by the government in mid-Feb- 
ruary 1994 — in September 1993, the radio station belonging to 
Abbas Djoussouf, who later became leader of the RDR, had 
been closed. Tensions increased, and in March 1994 an assassi- 
nation attempt against Djohar occurred. At the end of May, 
civil service employees went on strike, including teachers, and 
violence erupted in mid-June when the FRN prepared to meet. 

Foreign Affairs 

Comoros' most significant international relationship is that 
with France. The three years of estrangement following the 
unilateral declaration of independence and the nationalistic 
Soilih regime were followed during the conservative Abdallah 
and Djohar regimes by a period of growing trade, aid, cultural, 
and defense links between the former colony and France, 
punctuated by frequent visits to Paris by the head of state and 
occasional visits by the French president to Moroni. The lead- 
ing military power in the region, France has detachments on 
Mahore and Reunion, and its Indian Ocean fleet sails the 
waters around the islands. France and Comoros signed a 
mutual security treaty in 1978; following the mercenary coup 
against Abdallah in 1989, French troops restored order and 
took responsibility for reorganizing and training the Comoran 
army. With Mahore continuing to gravitate politically and eco- 
nomically toward France, and Comoros increasingly depen- 
dent on the French for help with its own considerable social, 
political, and economic problems, the issue of Mahore dimin- 
ished somewhat in urgency. 

The close relationship Comoros developed with South 
Africa in the 1980s was much less significant to both countries 
in the 1990s. With the reform of its apartheid government, 
South Africa no longer needed Comoros as evidence of its 
ostensible ability to enjoy good relations with a black African 
state; the end of the Cold War had also diminished Comoros' 
strategic value to Pretoria. Although South Africa continued to 
provide developmental aid, it closed its consulate in Moroni in 
1992. After the 1989 coup and subsequent expulsion of South 
African-financed mercenaries, Comoros likewise turned away 



195 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

from South Africa and toward France for assistance with its 
security needs. 

The government has fostered close relationships with the 
more conservative (and oil-rich) Arab states, such as Saudi Ara- 
bia and Kuwait. It frequently received aid from those countries 
and the regional financial institutions they influenced, such as 
the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa and the 
Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development. In October 
1993, Comoros joined the League of Arab States, after having 
been rejected when it applied for membership initially in 1977. 

Regional relations generally are good. In 1985 Madagascar, 
Mauritius, and Seychelles agreed to admit Comoros as the 
fourth member of the Indian Ocean Commission (IOC), an 
organization established in 1982 to encourage regional cooper- 
ation. In 1993 Mauritius and Seychelles had two of the five 
embassies in Moroni, and Mauritius and Madagascar were con- 
nected to the republic by regularly scheduled commercial 
flights. 

Comoros also hosts an embassy of China, which established 
relations during the Soilih regime. The Chinese had long been 
a source of aid and apparently wished to maintain contact with 
Comoros to counterbalance Indian and Soviet (later Russian) 
influence in the Indian Ocean. Comoran relations with Japan 
are also significant because Japan is the second largest provider 
of aid, consisting of funding for fisheries, food, and highway 
development. The United States established diplomatic rela- 
tions in 1977 but in September 1993 closed it embassy in 
Moroni. The two countries enjoy friendly relations. 

In November 1975, Comoros became the 143d member of 
the UN. In the 1990s, the republic continued to represent 
Mahore in the UN. Comoros is also a member of the OAU, the 
EDF, the World Bank, the IMF, the IOC, and the African Devel- 
opment Bank. 

Comoros has thus cultivated relations with various nations, 
both East and West, seeking to increase trade and obtain finan- 
cial assistance. In 1994, however, it was increasingly facing the 
need to control its expenditures and reorganize its economy so 
that it would be viewed as a sounder recipient of investment. 
Comoros also confronted domestically the problem of the 
degree of democracy the government was prepared to grant to 
its citizens, a consideration that related to its standing in the 
world community. 

* * * 



196 



Comoros 



The reader seeking recent works on the history, politics, 
and society of Comoros also needs to consult a number of pub- 
lications that cover the republic as one of many African or 
Indian Ocean countries. These include Africa Analysis, Africa 
Contemporary Record, Africa Events, Africa Research Bulletin, and 
Africa South of the Sahara. Other periodically issued sources 
include the annual country-by-country Amnesty International 
Report and the newsletters Africa Confidential and Indian Ocean 
Newsletter. Whereas the Times of London, New York Times, and 
Washington Post report Comoros' more serious upheavals, more 
regular coverage is provided by Le Monde. Useful social and 
economic data can be obtained from World Bank publications. 
One such publication in particular, Social Indicators of Develop- 
ment, an annual, provides country-by-country tables of data on 
indicators of poverty and resources and expenditures. Books 
such as Thierry Flobert's 1976 work, Les Comores: Evolution 
juridique et socio-politique, the World Bank 1979 publication The 
Comoros: Problems and Prospects of a Small, Island Economy, and 
Malyn Newitt's The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in 
the Indian Ocean provide useful background despite their grow- 
ing datedness. (For further information and complete cita- 
tions, see Bibliography.) 



197 



Chapter 4. Seychelles 



National emblem of Seychelles 



Country Profile 



Country 

Formal Name: Republic of Seychelles. 
Short Name: Seychelles. 
Term for Citizens: Seychellois. 
Capital: Victoria. 

Date of Independence: June 29, 1976 (from Britain). 

Geography 

Size: Approximately 444 square kilometers. 

Topography: Archipelago consists of 115 islands, of which 
some forty are granitic, within ninety kilometers of Mahe, and 
remainder coralline, stretching over 1,200 kilometers from 
northeast to southwest. Major islands are Mahe, Praslin, and La 
Digue. Granitic islands have hills up to 940 meters high, some 
narrow coastal plains, and coral reefs on east coasts. Coralline 
islands are flat with no fresh water. 

Climate: Tropical with high humidity but breezy. Cooler 
weather brought by southeast monsoon from late May to 
September; northwest monsoon from March to May brings 
warmer weather. Mean average annual rainfall in Mahe 2,880 
millimeters at sea level and 3,550 millimeters on slopes. 

Society 

Population: July 1994 estimate 72,113 with population growth 
rate of 0.8 percent. 

Ethnic Groups: Relatively homogeneous population of mixed 
European and African descent. 

Languages: Official languages: Creole (first), English (second), 



201 



French (third). 

Religion: Roman Catholics (90 percent), Anglicans (7 
percent), evangelical Protestants (1 percent), and other (2 
percent) . 

Education: Free, required attendance grades one through 
nine. Initial instruction in Creole, English added in grade 
three, French in grade six. Participation in one-year National 
Youth Service program at age fifteen generally needed to enter 
Seychelles Polytechnic or to begin work. No higher education 
on island. Overall claimed literacy in 1991: 85 percent. 

Health: Free government health services for all citizens. In 
1994 life expectancy at birth estimated at: overall 69.7 years, 
73.4 for females, 66.1 years for males. Infant mortality in 1994 
estimated at 11.7 per 1,000 live births. 

Economy 

Gross Domestic Product: 1992 estimate US$407 million, with 
growth rate of 4 percent, and inflation rate of 3.3 percent 
(1993 inflation rate 4 percent). 1992 per capita GDP of 
US$5,900. In 1980s socialist France Albert Rene government 
created many parastatals; in early 1990s moving toward more 
liberal economy and privatization. 

Labor Force: In 1991 government employed 38 percent of 
labor, parastatals employed 26 percent, and private sector 36 
percent. Independent trade unions allowed since November 
1993. 

Tourism: Major source of economic activity, including tourism- 
related services; provides 50 percent of GDP, but imported 
food and materials for tourism cost 70 percent of tourism 
income. In 1993 more than 116,000 tourists, mainly from 
Europe, South Africa. 

Agriculture: Only 400 hectares cultivable on islands. Some 
vegetables and fruit grown, but most food, including rice, 
imported. Market for traditional crops, copra and cinnamon, 
has decreased; tea grown for local consumption. Fishing (tuna 
and shrimp particularly) encouraged; population eats eighty- 



202 



Seychelles 

five kilograms seafood per capita annually. 

Industry: Very limited because of small market, lack of raw 
materials; mostly food processing, handicrafts for tourists. 

Exports: 1992 estimate US$47 million. Major products canned 
and frozen fish, copra, cinnamon bark. Major markets Britain, 
France, Reunion. 

Imports: 1992 estimate US$192 million. Major items include 
manufactured goods, food, petroleum products, transpor- 
tation equipment and machinery. Major sources: Bahrain, 
South Africa, Britain, Singapore, and France. 

Balance of Payments: Visible trade always in deficit, but 
tourism helps compensate for excess of imports. 

Currency and Exchange Rate: 1 Seychelles rupee (SRe) = 100 
cents. August 1995 exchange rate US$1.00 = SRe4.25. 

Fiscal Year: Calendar year. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

Highways: 302 kilometers in 1994, of which 202 hard surfaced. 
Ports: Mahe. 

Airports: Eight of fourteen have hard-surfaced runways. 

Telecommunications: Good, small system using mainly satellite 
communications to outside world and direct radio 
communications with adjacent islands and African coastal 
countries; some 13,000 telephones in 1994; two amplitude 
modulation (AM) stations, no frequency modulation (FM) 
station; two television stations; one Indian Ocean International 
Telecommunications Satellite Organization (Intelsat) earth 
station. In 1992 Seychellois had some 38,000 radios and 10,900 
television sets. 

Government and Politics 

Government: Between 1979 and 1993, governed under single- 
party socialist system. New constitution was approved in 



203 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

referendum June 1992; multiparty elections in July 1993 in 
which President Rene and Seychelles People's Progressive 
Front (SPPF) victorious. President selects cabinet. People's 
Assembly includes twenty-two elected representatives from 
constituencies and eleven other members. SPPF holds twenty- 
seven seats, New Democratic Party of James Mancham five 
seats, and United Opposition Party (a coalition) one seat. 
Legal system consists of magistrates' courts, Supreme (or trial) 
Court, and Court of Appeal. 

Politics: Various political parties of which government party, 
SPPF, holds clear majority. 

Foreign Relations: Member of Commonwealth of Nations; has 
pragmatic foreign policy of "positive nonalignment." Member 
of Organization of African Unity, Indian Ocean Commission, 
and Nonaligned Movement. 

National Security 

Defense Forces: All services under army; total forces of 800 
persons in 1994, including 300 in Presidential Guard. Army has 
one infantry battalion and two artillery elements. Paramilitary 
forces include national guard of 1,000 persons, coast guard 
estimated at 300 members including 100-member air wing and 
eighty marines. Defense budget in 1993 estimated at US$15.9 
million. 



204 



MAHE ISLAND 



Indian Ocean 



ALDABRA 
ISLANDS 



AMIRANTE 
ISLES 



SEYCHELLES 



COETIVY 
ISLAND 



FARQUHAR 
ISLANDS 10 



MADAGASCAR 



AREA OF MAIN MAP 



NORTH ISLAND 



ARIDE ISLAND 

CD 



CURIEUSE 
ISLAND 




PRASLIN 
ISLAND 




EAST 

WEST SISTER 4«15- 
SISTER S) ^ 

FEUCITE 
(\ ISLAND 

- - V) 

MARIE 
ANNE 
ISLAND 

LA DIGUE 
ISLAND 



FRIGATE ISLAND 



a 

UILOT 



in 



mal capital 



D Kilometers 



10 Miles 



5°00 



THE REPUBLIC OF SEYCHELLES, one of the world's smallest 
nations, comprises 115 islands, including a central granitic 
group and more than seventy widely scattered coral islands. 
Most of the population is a relatively homogeneous mixture of 
European and African descent and lives on the main granitic 
island of Mahe. Before the opening of commercial airline links 
in 1971, Seychelles had a plantation economy heavily depen- 
dent on exports of copra and cinnamon. Tourism has since 
become the most important sector of economic life. 

Claiming jurisdiction over more than 1 million square kilo- 
meters of productive fishing grounds, Seychelles has profited 
from the fees and commercial activity produced by foreign fish- 
ing fleets, from the export of fresh and frozen fish of its domes- 
tic fishing fleet, and from a tuna cannery operated jointly with 
French interests. Although Seychelles is vulnerable to fluctua- 
tions in the world economy, per capita income is high by devel- 
oping country standards. Its citizens benefit from a modern 
social welfare system and free health care and schools. 

The nation was a French possession until 1814. In that year, 
the British took control, administering it first as a dependency 
of Mauritius and after 1903 as a crown colony (see Glossary). 
Seychelles was granted independence on June 29, 1976. In 
June 1977, a coup brought to power a leftist government with 
France Albert Rene as president and his party, the socialist-ori- 
ented Seychelles People's United Party (SPUP) as ruling 
group. From 1977 through 1991, the Rene government domi- 
nated political life and controlled all phases of the economy. 
Dissent was forbidden, and opposition figures were forced to 
flee the country. In 1992 a multiparty system was restored, and 
in July 1993, after a new constitution was approved by referen- 
dum, the nation held free elections. Rene's Seychelles People's 
Progressive Front (SPPF — the new name of the SPUP following 
the 1979 constitution) won easily, defeating the Democratic 
Party (DP) of former president James Mancham and a coali- 
tion of smaller opposition parties. 

Historical Setting 

Although known and visited by traders from the Persian 
Gulf area and East Africa in earlier times, the Seychelles Archi- 



207 



MAHE ISLAND 

Indian Ocean 



6 AMIRANTE 
ISLES 

COETIVY 

SEYCHELLES ISLAND 

ALDABRA 
ISLANDS 

FARQUHAR 
ISLANDS 



MADAGASCAR 



ISLAND ISLAND 




® National capital 

5 10 Kilo meters 
6" ' 5~" 10 Miles 



WW 55-M 55-45 
— I I . I 



AREA OF MAIN MAP 



ARIDE ISLAND 



CURIEUSE EAST 
ISLAND WEST SISTER «•«- 
<rp SISTER 0<5> 

FELICITE 
(\ ISLAND 
M 

MARIE 



DO A CI IM 



Figure 7. Seychelles: Main Islands and Island Groups, 1994 
200 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

pelago first appeared on European maps at the beginning of 
the sixteenth century after Portuguese explorers sighted the 
islands during voyages to India. Recorded landings did not 
occur until 1609, however, when members of the British East 
India Company spent several days on Mahe and other nearby 
islands. A French expedition from Mauritius reached the 
islands in 1742, and during a second expedition in 1756 the 
French made a formal claim to them. The name "Seychelles" 
honors the French minister of finance under King Louis XV. 
Settlement began in 1778 under a French military administra- 
tion but barely survived its first decade. Although the settlers 
were supposed to plant crops only to provision the garrison 
and passing French ships, they also found it lucrative to exploit 
the islands' natural resources. Between 1784 and 1789, an esti- 
mated 13,000 giant tortoises were shipped from Mahe. The set- 
tlers also quickly devastated the hardwood forests — selling 
them to passing ships for repairs or to shipyards on Mauritius. 
In spite of reforms to control the rapid elimination of trees, 
exploitation of the forest continued for shipbuilding and 
house building and later for firing cinnamon kilns, ultimately 
destroying much of the original ecology. 

Possession of the islands alternated between France and 
Britain several times during the French Revolution and the 
Napoleonic wars. France ceded Seychelles — which at that time 
included the granitic group and three coral islands — to Britain 
in 1814 in the Treaty of Paris after rejecting a British offer to 
take French holdings in India in place of Seychelles. Because 
Britain's interest in the islands had centered mainly on halting 
their use as a base for French privateering, its main concern 
was to keep the islands from becoming burdens. Britain admin- 
istered Seychelles as a dependency of Mauritius, from which 
they received little attention and few services. 

The first European settlers were French who had been living 
on Mauritius, Reunion, or in French settlements in India. 
Many lived in conditions of poverty quite similar to those of 
their African slaves, who from early on greatly outnumbered 
the remainder of the population. After the abolition of slavery 
in the islands in 1834, many settlers left, taking their slaves with 
them. Later, large numbers of Africans liberated by the British 
navy from slaving ships on the East African coast were released 
on Seychelles. Small numbers of Chinese, Malaysians, and Indi- 
ans moved to the islands, usually becoming small traders and 
shopkeepers. Intermarriage among all groups except the Indi- 



208 



Seychelles 



ans was common, however, and left so few families of pure 
descent that by 1911 the practice of categorizing residents 
according to race was abandoned. 

Before 1838 most Seychellois worked on white-owned 
estates as slaves, producing cotton, coconut oil, spices, coffee, 
and sugarcane, as well as sufficient food crops to support the 
population. After the abolition of slavery, they became agricul- 
tural wage laborers, sharecroppers, fishers, or artisans, settling 
as squatters where they liked. Labor-intensive field crops rap- 
idly gave way to crops that required relatively little labor, 
including copra, cinnamon, and vanilla. Only those industries 
related to processing the cash crops or exploiting natural 
resources developed. As a result, the increasing population 
quickly came to depend on imports for most basic necessities, 
including food and manufactured goods. 

Crown Colony Status, 1 903 

Political development proceeded very slowly. From 1814 
until 1903, when the islands became a crown colony, they were 
granted increasing administrative autonomy from Mauritius. In 
1888 separate nominated administrative and executive councils 
were established for Mauritius and Seychelles. Thus, for the 
first time, some landed white Seychellois were allowed to serve 
in official advisory positions. In 1897 the administrator of Sey- 
chelles was given the powers of a colonial governor, although it 
was not until 1903 that the islands were separated from Mauri- 
tius. When Seychelles became a separate colony, the other 
islands of the archipelago, except for Coetivy and the Farquhar 
Islands, were added to the original group acquired by Britain 
in 1814. Coetivy was transferred from Mauritius in 1908 and 
the Farquhars in 1922 after World War I. 

Widespread involvement of Seychellois in their own politi- 
cal affairs began in 1948 after World War II, when Britain 
granted suffrage to approximately 2,000 adult male property 
owners, who then elected four members to the Legislative 
Council that advised the governor. The winning candidates 
were drawn from a group known as the Seychelles Taxpayers' 
and Producers' Association (STPA), which represented the 
landed strata of society — known colloquially as the grands blancs 
(great whites). The STPA defended its members' interest in 
matters of crop marketing and other issues and was the princi- 
pal political force in the nation until the early 1960s, when rep- 



209 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

resentatives of the small new urban professional and middle 
class began to win seats. 

Two parties emerged to represent this new constituency: the 
DP, led by James Mancham, and the SPUP, led by France Albert 
Rene. Both men were London-educated lawyers who had 
returned to Seychelles determined to improve local conditions 
and to develop popularly based local politics. 

Although community rivalries and the differing styles of the 
two leaders were important in attracting followers, the two par- 
ties also differed in substantive ways. The SPUP called itself 
socialist, favored worker-oriented policies, and pressed for 
complete independence from Britain and a nonaligned for- 
eign policy. The pressure for independence was intensified 
after Britain in 1965 removed lie Desroches, the Aldabra 
Islands, and the Farquhar Islands from Seychelles and made 
them part of the British Indian Ocean Territory. The DP took a 
more laissez-faire capitalist approach and wanted to continue 
the association with Britain and to allow British and United 
States bases on the islands. 

Steps Toward Independence, 1967-76 

Continuous and mounting demands for an increased share 
in running the colony's affairs prompted Britain to enact a 
series of constitutions for Seychelles, each of which granted 
important new concessions. In 1967 Britain extended universal 
suffrage to the colony and established a governing council to 
run it, the majority of whose members for the first time were 
elected. That year almost 18,000 Seychellois voted, and the DP 
emerged in control of the council. In 1970 Britain set up a min- 
isterial form of government and gave Seychellois the responsi- 
bility to administer all but external affairs, internal security, the 
civil service, and the government's broadcasting service and 
newspaper. The DP won ten seats, and the SPUP won five in the 
Legislative Assembly. Mancham became the islands' chief min- 
ister and Rene, the leader of the opposition. 

The opening of an international airport on the east coast of 
Mahe in 1971 improved contact with the outside world. Before 
this most journeys to and from Seychelles had involved long 
voyages on bimonthly steamers running between East Africa 
and India and often required inconvenient transits in Mom- 
basa and Bombay. Air service had been available only on a 
restricted basis at an airstrip used by the United States in build- 
ing a satellite station on Mahe. The end of the islands' relative 



210 



Seychelles 



isolation triggered tourism and concomitant booms in foreign 
capital investment and the domestic construction industry. 
Within a few years, the construction of the international air- 
port changed the economy from a traditional agricultural and 
fishing one into one in which services accounted for the major 
portion of employment and gross domestic product (GDP — 
see Glossary) . The two parties differed on the ways to manage 
the new tourist industry and to apportion its benefits. The 
SPUP favored controlling the growth of tourism and at the 
same time developing the entire economy, whereas the SDP 
wanted to stimulate the rapid growth of tourism and to estab- 
lish the islands as an international financial center. 

Independence from Britain was the dominant issue between 
the two parties in the early 1970s, however. The SPUP insisted 
on cutting the colony's ties with Britain, whereas Mancham 
argued for even closer association. But when it became plain 
that the independence issue was popular and Britain showed 
no interest in retaining close relations, the SDP also shifted to a 
pro-independence policy. Moreover, the disfavor with which 
African and Asian nations viewed colonialism had put the SDP 
into disrepute in the region. The SDP won the election cam- 
paign in 1974, but the election provoked angry controversy. 
The SPUP charged that the results had been rigged; because of 
the way constituencies had been demarcated, the SDP won 
thirteen of the fifteen seats with only 52.4 percent of the vote, 
lending credibility to the charges. Thereafter, relations 
between the two parties, already personalized and bitter, wors- 
ened steadily. 

Despite their differences, the two parties formed a coalition 
under Mancham to lead Seychelles to independence. Five 
members from each party were added to the Legislative Assem- 
bly in an attempt to equalize political representation. One year 
later, Britain granted the colony complete independence, and 
on June 29, 1976, the Republic of Seychelles became a sover- 
eign nation, with Mancham as president and Rene as vice pres- 
ident. As a gesture of goodwill, Britain returned lie Desroches, 
the Aldabra Islands, and the Farquhar Islands. In addition, 
Britain made a series of grants to the new nation to smooth the 
transition to an independent economy. Both parties agreed to 
support the coalition government until elections were held in 
1979. 



211 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Coup by Rene Supporters, 1 977 

On June 4-5, 1977, sixty supporters of the SPUP who had 
been training in Tanzania staged a coup and overthrew Man- 
cham while he was in London. Rene, who denied knowing of 
the plan, was then sworn in as president and formed a new gov- 
ernment. 

A year later, the SPUP combined with several smaller parties 
and redesignated itself the Seychelles People's Progressive 
Front (SPPF), or simply the Front. A new constitution adopted 
in 1979 stipulated that the SPPF be the sole recognized party. 
The constitution provided for a strong executive headed by the 
president and a legislature of twenty-three elected and two 
appointed members. 

In the first election, held in June 1979, Rene was the single 
candidate for president. He won with 98 percent of the vote. 
The results were viewed as a popular endorsement of the social- 
ist policies pursued by the government in the two years follow- 
ing the coup. The SPPF proceeded with its program to set 
minimum wage levels, raise government salaries, improve hous- 
ing and health facilities, broaden educational opportunities, 
increase social security coverage, and generate employment in 
agriculture and fisheries. The lives of most Seychellois were 
enhanced, and most citizens appeared to favor the govern- 
ment's policies. 

The decision to turn the nation into a one-party state based 
on socialist ideology, as well as certain initiatives of the govern- 
ment, caused some bitterness, especially among the upper and 
middle classes. Censorship of the media and control over pub- 
lic expression were unpopular. A number of groups attempted 
to oust the Rene government between 1978 and 1987. The 
most notable was a group of mercenaries who tried to enter the 
country in 1981 disguised as tourists from South Africa. The 
mercenaries were exposed as they came through customs at the 
international airport, but most of them, including their leader, 
Colonel Michael "Mad Mike" Hoare, escaped after comman- 
deering an Air India passenger plane to South Africa. 
Although the South African government prosecuted and jailed 
some of the mercenaries for air hijacking, Hoare testified that 
South African military and intelligence officials were involved 
in the coup attempt. During this period, the Seychelles govern- 
ment received support from Tanzania, which deployed troops 
to the islands to strengthen the government's hand. 



212 



Seychelles 



Mancham and other exiled opposition figures based princi- 
pally in London formed several groups that sought to turn 
international opinion against the Rene government, stigmatiz- 
ing it as antidemocratic, procommunist, and pro-Soviet. As part 
of its efforts to stifle opposition, the government embarked on 
a campaign in 1987 to acquire parcels of land owned by dissi- 
dent Seychellois living abroad. The takeovers were not subject 
to legal challenge, but the amount of compensation — in the 
form of bonds payable over twenty years — could be appealed in 
court. The government's authoritarianism finally brought it 
under growing pressure from its chief patrons — Britain and 
France. Finally, in 1991 Rene and the SPPF consented to liber- 
alize the political system, inviting opposition leaders to return 
to Seychelles and help rewrite the constitution to permit multi- 
party politics. 

Physical Environment 

The archipelago consists of 115 islands and thirty promi- 
nent rock formations scattered throughout a self-proclaimed 
exclusive economic zone (EEZ — see Glossary) of more than 
1.35 million square kilometers of ocean (see fig. 7). Some forty 
islands are granitic and lie in a ninety-kilometer radius from 
Mahe, the main island. The remaining islands are coralline, 
stretching over a 1,200-kilometer radius from lie aux Vaches in 
the northeast to the Aldabra Atoll in the southwest. The islands 
are all small — the aggregate land area is only 444 square kilo- 
meters, about two-and-a-half times the size of Washington, D.C. 

Mahe is twenty-five kilometers long and no more than eight 
kilometers wide. It contains the capital and only city, Victoria, 
an excellent port. Victoria lies approximately 1,600 kilometers 
east of Mombasa, Kenya; 2,800 kilometers southwest of Bom- 
bay; 1,700 kilometers north of Mauritius; and 920 kilometers 
northeast of Madagascar. The only other important islands by 
virtue of their size and population are Praslin and La Digue, sit- 
uated about thirty kilometers to the northeast of Mahe. 

The granitic islands are the peaks of the submarine Mas- 
carene Plateau, a continental formation theorized to be either 
a part of Africa separated when Asia began to drift away from 
the original single continent of Gondwanaland, or the rem- 
nants of a microcontinent that existed up to the beginning of 
the Tertiary Period, approximately 50 million years ago. The 
granitic islands are characterized by boulder-covered hills and 
mountains as high as 940 meters rising abruptly from the sea. 



213 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Elsewhere, narrow coastal plains extend to the base of the foot- 
hills. Extensively developed coral reefs are found mainly on the 
east coasts because of the southwest trade winds and equatorial 
current. Ninety-nine percent of the population is located on 
the granitic islands, and most are on Mane. 

The coralline islands differ sharply from the granitic in that 
they are very flat, often rising only a few feet above sea level. 
They have no fresh water, and very few have a resident popula- 
tion. Many, like lie aux Vaches, lie Denis, the Amirante Isles, 
Platte Island, and Coetivy Island, are sand cays upon which 
extensive coconut plantations have been established. Some of 
the coralline islands consist of uplifted reefs and atolls covered 
with stunted vegetation. Several of these islands have been 
important breeding grounds for turtles and birds, as well as the 
sites of extensive guano deposits, which formerly constituted 
an important element of the Seychellois economy but now for 
the most part are depleted. The Aldabra Islands, the largest 
coralline atoll with an area greater than Mahe, are a sanctuary 
for rare animals and birds. 

The uniqueness of the Seychelles ecology is reflected in the 
US$1.8 million project of the Global Environment Trust Fund 
of the World Bank (see Glossary) entitled Biodiversity Conser- 
vation and Marine Pollution Abatement, which began in 1993. 
The World Bank study for this project states that the islands 
contain, out of a total of 1,170 flowering plants, "at least sev- 
enty-five species of flowering plants, fifteen of birds, three of 
mammals, thirty of reptiles and amphibians, and several hun- 
dred species of snails, insects, spiders and other invertebrates" 
found nowhere else. In addition, the waters contain more than 
900 kinds of fish, of which more than one-third are associated 
with coral reefs. Specific examples of unique birds are the 
black paradise flycatcher, the black parrot, the brush warbler, 
and a flightless rail. 

As a result of extensive shipping to Seychelles that brings 
needed imports and the discharge of commercial tuna fishing, 
the waters are becoming polluted. Furthermore, goats brought 
to the Aldabra Islands are destroying much of the vegetation 
on which giant turtles, including two species unique to Sey- 
chelles (the green and the hawksbill), feed or seek shade. 

Seychelles began addressing the conservation problem in 
the late 1960s by creating the Nature Conservancy Commis- 
sion, later renamed the Seychelles National Environment Com- 
mission. A system of national parks and animal preserves 



214 



Fisherman holding 
hawks bill turtle, Aldabra 
Islands; shell is used to make 
tortoiseshell objects. 
Courtesy Brian Kensley 



Giant land tortoises, 
Aldabra Islands 
Courtesy Brian Kensley 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

covering 42 percent of the land area and about 26,000 hectares 
of the surrounding water areas has been set aside. Legislation 
protects wildlife and bans various destructive practices. In Sey- 
chelles' 1990-94 National Development Plan, an effort was 
made to include in the appropriate economic sectors of the 
development plan environment and natural resources manage- 
ment aspects. 

Also connected with ecology is a World Bank project dealing 
with the environment and transportation. Launched in 1993 
with a loan of US$4.5 million, it is designed to improve the 
infrastructure of Seychelles with regard to roads and airports 
or airstrips so as to encourage tourism as a source of income, 
while simultaneously supporting environmental programs in 
resource management, conservation, and the elimination of 
pollution. 

The climate of Seychelles is tropical, having little seasonal 
variation. Temperatures on Mahe rarely rise above 29° C. or 
drop below 24° C. Humidity is high, but its enervating effect is 
usually ameliorated by prevailing winds. The southeast mon- 
soon from late May to September brings cooler weather, and 
the northwest monsoon from March to May, warmer weather. 
High winds are rare inasmuch as most islands lie outside the 
Indian Ocean cyclone belt; Mahe suffered the only such storm 
in its recorded history in 1862. Mean annual rainfall in Mahe 
averages 2,880 millimeters at sea level and as much as 3,550 
millimeters on the mountain slopes. Precipitation is somewhat 
less on the other islands, averaging as low as 500 millimeters 
per year on the southernmost coral islands. Because catchment 
provides most sources of water in Seychelles, yearly variations 
in rainfall or even brief periods of drought can produce water 
shortages. Small dams have been built on Mahe since 1969 in 
an effort to guarantee a reliable water supply, but drought can 
still be a problem on Mahe and particularly on La Digue. 

Population 

According to a July 1994 estimate, the nation's population 
was 72,113 — double what it had been in 1951. The growth rate 
of 0.8 percent annually had slackened from the 2.1 percent 
rate recorded in the late 1970s. The infant mortality rate in 
1994 was estimated at 11.7 per 1,000 live births. There were 
twenty-two births per 1,000 population annually and only seven 
deaths per 1,000; the outward migration rate of seven per 1,000 
helped stem population growth. 



216 



Seychelles 



About 90 percent of all Seychellois live on Mahe; most of 
the remainder live on Praslin (6,000) and La Digue (1,800). 
The population of the outer coralline group is only about 400, 
mostly plantation workers gathering coconuts for copra. To 
restrict population growth on Mahe, the government has 
encouraged people to move to Praslin and other islands where 
water is available. 

The birthrate has declined by one-third from thirty-two per 
1,000 in 1974 and is relatively lower than most African and 
Asian countries. By 1980 about one-third of all Seychellois 
women of reproductive age were reported to be using some 
form of contraception, which is considered unusually high 
compared with other African and Asian countries. Death rates 
are exceptionally low, in part because of the young age struc- 
ture, but also because of the availability of free medical services 
to all segments of society, and the healthy climate and living 
conditions. The average life expectancy at birth in 1994 was 
66.1 years for males and 73.4 for females. 

Ethnic Groups 

The population is a relatively homogeneous one of mixed 
European and African descent, and most citizens consider 
themselves as Seychellois, possessors of a unique culture and 
society. Contrary to other Indian Ocean island nations, the 
Asian population is relatively small; it consists almost entirely of 
Indians and Chinese. However, the intermixing of the Indian 
and Chinese communities with the larger society is greater 
than was common elsewhere. Some twenty grand blanc planter 
families, descendants of the original French settlers, represent 
a separate group but under the socialist government no longer 
command the power and social prestige they once had. About 
2,000 foreign workers and their families lived in Seychelles in 
the early 1990s. 

Languages 

Creole, the mother tongue of 94 percent of the nation in 
1990, was adopted as the first official language of the nation in 
1981. English is the second language and French the third, all 
of them officially recognized. The increased emphasis on Cre- 
ole is designed to facilitate the teaching of reading to primary- 
level students and to help establish a distinct culture and heri- 
tage. Opponents of the Rene government thought it a mistake 
to formalize Creole, which had no standardized spelling sys- 



217 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



tern. They regarded it as a great advantage for Seychellois to be 
bilingual in French and English; treating Creole as a language 
of learning would, they feared, be at the expense of French 
and English. 

Creole in Seychelles developed from dialects of southwest 
France spoken by the original settlers. It consists basically of a 
French vocabulary with a few Malagasy, Bantu, English, and 
Hindi words, and has a mixture of Bantu and French syntax. 
Very little Seychelles Creole literature exists; development of 
an orthography of the language was completed only in 1981. 
The government-backed Kreol Institute promotes the use of 
Creole by developing a dictionary, sponsoring literary competi- 
tions, giving instruction in translation, and preparing course 
materials to teach Creole to foreigners. 

More than one-third of Seychellois can use English, and the 
great majority of younger Seychellois can read English, which is 
the language of government and commerce. It is the language 
of the People's Assembly, although speakers may also use Cre- 
ole or French. The principal journals carry articles in all three 
languages. 

Although discouraged by the Rene regime as a colonialist 
language, French continues to carry prestige. It is the language 
of the Roman Catholic Church and is used by older people in 
correspondence and in formal situations. Some 40 percent of 
television transmissions are in French — beamed by satellite to 
an earth station provided by the French government — and 
most Seychellois can speak and understand the language. 

Social Organization 

Class and Social Structure 

Several indexes of social status operate. The first is color. 
Although almost all Seychellois are so racially mixed as to defy 
classification, light skin remains a status feature because 
authority in Seychelles traditionally has been vested in a white 
plantation owner or manager, or later in British officials. Skin 
color, according to anthropologist Burton Benedict, is distin- 
guished in Seychelles by the terms blanc (white), rouge (red), or 
noir (black) , all of which are applied relatively depending on 
the speaker's own pigmentation. Economic achievement and 
material possessions are equally important signs of social status. 

According to Benedict, Seychellois are highly status con- 
scious and are anxious to improve their social positions. Posses- 



218 



Seychelles 



sions, particularly land and substantial homes, are important 
indicators of status and prestige. Fine clothing, cars, jewelry, 
and watches are similarly regarded. A willingness to spend 
freely is, among men, a means to impress others. 

Persons with light skin enjoy greater prestige, but the skin 
shade does not reliably determine social status or position of 
power in society. Lighter-skinned persons find it easier to 
advance to managerial or supervisory positions. It is consid- 
ered advantageous to marry a lighter-skinned person, although 
a wealthier man of dark skin or a darker-skinned woman with 
property may not experience such discrimination. Social ten- 
sions based on race are almost unknown, and persons of differ- 
ing racial types mix freely in schools, business, and social 
gatherings. 

A feature of the Seychellois social system is the prevalence 
of sexual relationships without formal marriage. Most family 
units take the form of de facto unions known as living en 
menage. One result of this practice is that nearly three-fourths 
of all children born in the islands are born out of wedlock. 
Most of these children are, however, legally acknowledged by 
their fathers. 

The institutionalization of en menage unions as alternatives 
to legal marriage can be attributed to several factors. The 
expense of socially required wedding festivities, trousseaus, and 
household furnishings can exceed a year's income for a 
laborer. Widely separated economic status of partners, a 
mother's wish to retain the earning potential of her son, or a 
previous marriage by one partner may be impediments to mar- 
riage. The difficulty and expense of divorce also tend to dis- 
courage a legal relationship. Although frowned upon by the 
church and civil authorities, en menage unions are generally sta- 
ble and carry little stigma for either partner or for their chil- 
dren. Among women of higher status, prevailing standards of 
social respectability require that they be married to the men 
with whom they are living. Sexual fidelity is not as likely to be 
demanded of husbands, who often enter into liaisons with 
lower-class women. 

Status of Women 

Women enjoy the same legal, political, economic, and social 
rights as men. Women form nearly half of the enrollment at 
the prestigious Seychelles Polytechnic, the highest level of edu- 
cation on the islands. In 1994 two women held cabinet posts — 



219 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

the minister of foreign affairs, planning, and environment and 
the minister of agriculture and marine resources — and women 
filled other major positions. In the early 1990s, many SPPF 
branch leaders were women, although in government as a 
whole women were underrepresented. According to a Depart- 
ment of State human rights report for 1993, "The Geneva- 
based Inter-Parliamentary union cited Seychelles as having the 
world's highest percentage of female representation in its par- 
liament (at 45.8 percent of the total delegates)." 

Seychellois society is essentially matriarchal. Mothers tend 
to be dominant in the household, controlling most current 
expenditures and looking after the interests of the children. 
Men are important for their earning ability, but their domestic 
role is relatively peripheral. Older women can usually count on 
financial support from family members living at home or con- 
tributions from the earnings of grown children. 

Religion 

Some 90 percent of the population was Roman Catholic as 
of 1992. The initial white settlers in Seychelles were Roman 
Catholics, and the country has remained so, despite ineffective 
British efforts to establish Protestantism in the islands during 
the nineteenth century. The nation has been a bishopric since 
1890, and mission schools had a virtual monopoly on educa- 
tion until the government took over such schools in 1944. Sun- 
day masses are well attended, and religious holidays are 
celebrated throughout the nation both as opportunities for the 
devout to practice their faith and as social events. Practicing 
Catholicism, like speaking French, confers a certain status by 
associating its adherents with the white settlers from France. 

Approximately 7 percent of Seychellois are Anglicans — 
most coming from families converted by missionaries in the 
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Evangelical Prot- 
estant churches are active and growing, among them Pentecos- 
tals and Seventh-Day Adventists. Some 2 percent of the 
population are adherents of other faiths, including Hinduism, 
Buddhism, and Islam. No temples or mosques, however, exist 
on the islands. No restrictions are imposed on religious wor- 
ship by any of the denominations. 

Although clergy and civil authorities disapprove, many Sey- 
chellois see little inconsistency between their orthodox reli- 
gious observance and belief in magic, witchcraft, and sorcery. 
It is common to consult a local seer — known as a bonhomme de 



220 



Palm forest on Make 
Courtesy Brian Kensley 



bois or a bonne femme de bois — for fortune-telling or to obtain 
protective amulets or charms, called gris-gris, to bring harm to 
enemies. 

Education 

Until the mid-1 800s, little formal education was available in 
Seychelles. Both the Roman Catholic and Anglican churches 
opened mission schools in 1851. The missions continued to 
operate the schools — the teachers were monks and nuns from 
abroad — even after the government became responsible for 
them in 1944. After a technical college opened in 1970, a sup- 
ply of locally trained teachers became available, and many new 
schools were established. Since 1981 a system of free education 
has been in effect requiring attendance by all children in 
grades one to nine, beginning at age five. Ninety percent of all 
children also attend nursery school at age four. 

The literacy rate for school-aged children had risen to more 
than 90 percent by the late 1980s. Many older Seychellois had 
not been taught to read or write in their childhood, but adult 
education classes helped raise adult literacy from 60 percent to 
a claimed 85 percent in 1991. 

Children are first taught to read and write in Creole. Begin- 
ning in grade three, English is used as a teaching language in 



221 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

certain subjects. French is introduced in grade six. After com- 
pleting six years of primary school and three years of secondary 
school, at age fifteen students who wish to continue attend a 
National Youth Service (NYS) program. Students in the NYS 
live at an NYS village at Port Launnay on the northwest coast of 
Mahe, wearing special brown and beige uniforms. In addition 
to academic training, the students receive practical instruction 
in gardening, cooking, housekeeping, and livestock raising — 
one of the aims of the program is to reduce youth unemploy- 
ment. They are expected to produce much of their own food, 
cook their own meals, and do their own laundry. Self-govern- 
ment is practiced through group sessions and committees. 

From the time the NYS program was instituted in 1981, it 
met with heated opposition and remained highly unpopular. 
Students spend the entire period away from home, with paren- 
tal visits permitted only at designated times at intervals of sev- 
eral months. Many consider the quality of education to be 
inferior; indoctrination in the socialist policies of the SPPF is 
part of the curriculum. Nevertheless, failure to attend the NYS 
makes it difficult to proceed to more advanced study. In 1991 
the NYS program was reduced from two years to one year. The 
total enrollment in that year was 1,394, with roughly equal 
numbers of boys and girls. Those who leave school but do not 
participate in the NYS can volunteer for a government-adminis- 
tered six-month work program, receiving a training stipend 
below the minimum wage. 

After completing their NYS program, students may attend 
Seychelles Polytechnic (1,600 students in 1991) for pre-univer- 
sity studies or other training. In 1993, responding to popular 
pressure, the government eliminated the requirement of NYS 
participation in order to enter the Polytechnic. However, it 
strongly encouraged students to complete NYS before begin- 
ning to work at age eighteen. The largest number of students 
were in teacher training (302), business studies (255), humani- 
ties and science (226), and hotels and tourism (132). No 
opportunities for higher education are available on the islands. 
Instead, university and higher professional courses are usually 
pursued through various British, United States, and French 
scholarship programs. 

Seychelles has received funds for developing its educational 
programs from several multinational sources. These include a 
grant from the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting 



222 



Seychelles 



Countries (OPEC) in 1988 and a US$9.4 million loan from the 
African Development Bank in November 1991. 

Health and Welfare 

Health and nutritional conditions are remarkably good, 
approaching those of a developed country. The favorable pro- 
jections of life expectancy are attributable in large degree to a 
salubrious climate, an absence of infectious diseases commonly 
associated with the tropics (such as malaria, yellow fever, sleep- 
ing sickness, and cholera) , and the availability of free medical 
and hospital services to all Seychellois. 

The National Medical Service operated by the Ministry of 
Health provides free medical treatment to all citizens. The 
principal medical institution is the 421-bed Victoria Hospital, 
which has medical, surgical, psychiatric, pediatric, and mater- 
nity departments. Five other hospitals and clinics have a com- 
bined 113 beds in general wards, and a psychiatric hospital has 
sixty beds. In addition, a total of twenty-five outpatient clinics 
exist on Mahe, Praslin, and La Digue. Most of the forty-eight 
doctors and ten dentists come from overseas; few Seychellois 
who go abroad for training return to practice medicine. 

Improvements in prenatal and postnatal care since the late 
1970s have brought the infant mortality rate down from more 
than fifty per 1,000 live births in 1978 to an estimated 11.7 in 
1994, a rate comparable to that of Western Europe. Some 90 
percent of protein in the diet is derived from fish, which, along 
with lentils, rice, and fruits, gives most families access to a rea- 
sonably nutritious diet. Nevertheless, many prevailing health 
problems, especially among children, result from poverty, lim- 
ited education, poor housing, polluted water, and unbalanced 
diets. 

Local threats to health include intestinal parasites such as 
hookworm and tapeworm. Venereal diseases are widespread, 
and local programs to contain their spread have been 
described as ineffective. Dengue fever epidemics — although 
not fatal — have periodically struck large segments of the popu- 
lation, causing severe discomfort and unpleasant aftereffects. 
Alcoholism is a serious problem, and narcotic use — mainly of 
marijuana and heroin — is beginning to appear among the 
young. In late November 1992, the Ministry of Health con- 
firmed the first case of acquired immune deficiency syndrome 
(AIDS); a year previously the ministry had announced that 



223 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

twenty people tested positive for the human immunodeficiency 
virus (HIV). 

Under the social security law, employers and employees con- 
tribute to a national pension program that gives retirees a mod- 
est pension. Self-employed persons contribute by paying 15 
percent of gross earnings. The government also has a program 
to provide low-cost housing, housing loans, and building plots, 
although the program is said to reflect favoritism on behalf of 
SPPF supporters. 

The Economy 

A notable feature of the Seychelles economy was the high 
per capita GDP of US$5,900 in 1992, some fifteen times the 
average of sub-Saharan Africa. Total GDP was estimated at 
US$407 million in 1992. Economic growth, which had pro- 
ceeded at a strong 5 to 6 percent annually since the mid-1980s, 
resumed in 1992 at an estimated rate of 4 percent. 

The major source of economic activity is the tourist industry 
and tourist-related services in terms of employment, foreign 
earnings, construction, and banking. Although earnings from 
the tourism sector are impressive, providing about 50 percent 
of GDP, they are offset by the need to import large amounts of 
food, fuels, construction materials, and equipment, costing 
some 70 percent of tourism income. Gross tourism foreign 
exchange earnings in 1993 were SRe607 million (for value of 
the Seychelles rupee — see Glossary) . Moreover, the possibili- 
ties for expanding tourism are limited, and it is vulnerable to 
unpredictable shifts in demand, as occurred in 1991 when the 
Persian Gulf War contributed to a sharp decline from 103,900 
tourists in 1990 to 90,000 in 1991. By 1993 there was a strong 
recovery in the tourist trade, bringing more than 116,000 visi- 
tors. 

Hoping to avoid overdependence on tourism, the govern- 
ment has attempted to diversify economic activity by encourag- 
ing new industries and revitalizing traditional exports. 
Production of food and other items is being emphasized to 
reduce the heavy burden of imports needed to sustain tourism. 
Development of the nation's marine resources remains a prin- 
cipal governmental goal, pursued by expanding indigenous 
coastal fisheries and by profiting from fees and services pro- 
vided to foreign fishing fleets operating in Seychelles' EEZ. 
Small traditional fishing accounted for less than 3 percent of 



224 



Seychelles 



GDP in the early 1990s but provided jobs for about 1,500 per- 
sons and growing foreign-exchange earnings. 

Seychelles' traditional marketings of copra and cinnamon 
bark had declined to an insignificant level by 1991. The gov- 
ernment's goal of achieving 60 percent self-sufficiency in food 
has not been realized, although its efforts have resulted in 
increases in fruit, vegetable, meat (mainly chicken and pork), 
and tea production. 

Parastatal (mixed government and private) companies pro- 
liferated in many sectors of the economy under the Rene 
regime. State-owned and parastatal companies accounted for 
more than half the country's GDP and about two-thirds of for- 
mal employment. The parastatals enjoyed mixed success, and 
by 1992 the government had begun to divest itself of selected 
enterprises. 

Seychelles traditionally has run a large trade deficit because 
of the need to import nearly all manufactured and most agri- 
cultural commodities. Much of the gap has been covered by 
revenues from the tourism sector and to a lesser extent by 
remittances from Seychellois workers abroad and by overseas 
loans and grants. 

Seychelles has been relatively successful in containing infla- 
tion. The retail price index, which includes some goods and 
services whose prices are set by the government, rose by 3.3 
percent in 1992 and 4.0 percent in 1993. The generally stable 
price environment has resulted in part from wage discipline, 
the weakness in world oil prices, and a policy of importing 
from countries with low prices, including South Africa, whose 
currency has depreciated steadily against the Seychelles rupee. 

To support its anti-inflationary strategy, the government has 
pursued a liberal exchange-rate policy. Since 1979 the rupee 
has been pegged to the International Monetary Fund's (IMF — 
see Glossary) special drawing right (SDR — see Glossary). The 
rupee's relative stability has contributed to the stability of 
domestic prices. 

Government Role 

Under the socialist policies of President Rene, the govern- 
ment has taken a leading role in developing the national econ- 
omy. Since 1978, the Ministry of Planning and Development 
has drawn up very detailed "rolling" five-year development 
plans, which are updated and extended every year. The Minis- 
try of Finance is responsible for economic decisions and bud- 



225 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

getary policy. A separate Monetary Authority supervises the 
banking system and manages the money supply. Although for- 
eign banks operate branches in Seychelles, the government 
owns the two local banks — the Development Bank of Sey- 
chelles, which mobilizes resources to fund development pro- 
grams, and the Seychelles Savings Bank, a bank for savings and 
current accounts. 

The expansion of parastatal companies since 1979, when 
the first such institution was created, has had primary eco- 
nomic significance. By 1988 the number of parastatals had 
reached thirty-five, but in 1994 there were indications that the 
government's more liberal economic policy would probably 
reduce the role and number of parastatals. Among the most 
important organizations of the public sector is the Seychelles 
National Investment Corporation, whose role is to promote 
economic development in areas neglected by private enterprise 
or to become a major stockholder in private companies that 
encounter economic difficulties. The most powerful of the 
state enterprises is the Seychelles Marketing Board (SMB), 
which is the sole importer of key commodities, exercises con- 
trols over other imports, and regulates prices, production, and 
distribution of most goods and services. 

The state-owned Seychelles Timber Company has responsi- 
bility for reforestation and for operating the government saw- 
mill at Grande Anse. The Fishing Development Company 
controls industrial tuna fishing and the tuna cannery operated 
as a joint venture with France. Air Seychelles, a parastatal, flies 
both international and interisland routes, making a critical 
contribution to the tourist industry. The Islands Development 
Company (IDC) was established in 1980 to develop agriculture, 
tourism, and guano production on ten of the outlying 
islands — guano deposits have since been depleted. A hotel 
complex on lie Desroches is among the projects conducted by 
the IDC. Opened in 1988, the Desroches resort is managed by 
another parastatal, Islands Resorts. A US$12 million shrimp 
farming project on Coetivy Island remained in the final devel- 
opment stage in 1992. The high initial investment and heavy 
transport costs raised doubts about its viability, although a 
study has indicated that about 8 tons of shrimp could be caught 
annually in the area. 

Despite the government's strong involvement in the econ- 
omy, it has never imposed a policy of forced nationalization. 
Rather, the government encourages foreign investment, prefer- 



226 



Victoria, Make, capital of Seychelles 
Courtesy Brian Kensley 



227 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

ably as joint ventures. Concurrently with the political liberaliza- 
tion in 1992, the government has attempted to strengthen the 
private sector, announcing measures to attract investment and 
planning to divest some state-owned companies. Among com- 
panies scheduled for privatization are the agro-industrial divi- 
sion of the SMB and Stationery, Printing, and Computer 
Equipment, to be sold as three separate enterprises. A para- 
statal holding 65 percent of Seychelles hotel assets reportedly is 
ready to sell some hotels or to privatize their management. Pri- 
vate investors nevertheless remain cautious because of the con- 
tinued high level of state economic control. 

Budget 

The government budget for 1993 foresaw total expendi- 
tures of SRel, 335. 6 million consisting of SRel, 078.7 million in 
current expenditures, SRe232.5 million in capital expendi- 
tures, and SRe24.4 million in net lending. The proposed 
spending was 6 percent higher than the 1992 level. Total reve- 
nues were budgeted at SRel, 186.1 million in 1993, consisting 
of SRel, 122. 6 million in current revenues and SRe63.5 million 
in grants. The projected deficit for 1993 was SRel 49.5 million, 
compared with a 1992 budget deficit of SRe94.5 million. The 
1994 budget projected a 6 percent decrease in expenditures, 
leading to a surplus of SRe64 million rather than a deficit. The 
1994 budget also relaxed import controls and set forth a five- 
year development plan to increase private-sector economic par- 
ticipation, increase employment and foreign-exchange earn- 
ings, reduce taxation and the inflation rate, and improve social 
welfare. Interest on the public debt consumed more than 18 
percent of current expenditures. 

Among other leading components of 1993 current outlays 
were education (10.7 percent), health (7.0 percent), transpor- 
tation and tourism (5.6 percent), and subsidies to parastatals 
(4.3 percent). Defense spending was cut by 35 percent between 
1992 and 1993 — from 7.8 percent to 5.0 percent of the total 
budget. The government's contribution to the SPPF — SRe9.6 
million in 1991 and 1992 — was eliminated in 1993. 

The main revenue sources were a trade tax that included 
taxes on imports (50 percent of total revenues estimated for 
1993) and a business tax based on profits (12.4 percent of total 
revenue) . Various fees, charges, dividends and interest, rents, 
and Social Security Fund transfers made up most of the 
remaining budget receipts. The government's program of 



228 



Seychelles 



social services, defense spending, and new parastatals had gen- 
erated growing budget deficits that peaked at 20 percent of 
GDP in the recession year of 1986. Austerity in public spending 
and new taxes had resulted in some improvement; by 1992 the 
deficit was limited to 4.4 percent of GDP but was expected to 
rise to 6.5 percent in 1993. The continued excess of spending 
over receipts, combined with lower foreign assistance levels, 
remains a worrisome problem. 

Economic Development 

The government has detailed its economic development tar- 
gets in successive five-year plans. The plan for 1985-89 empha- 
sized tourism, agriculture, and fisheries. It proposed to 
improve the balance of payments by achieving 60 percent self- 
sufficiency in food and by stimulating tourism. Improved pro- 
ductivity, increased exports, and a lowering of the unemploy- 
ment level were additional aims. The 1990-94 plan stressed the 
need to attract foreign investment and the need for greater 
food self-sufficiency. A ten-year plan for protecting the environ- 
ment was supported by a pledge of US$40 million from World 
Bank donors. The total projected investment was SRe4,206 mil- 
lion in constant 1989 prices, of which 26 percent would be 
funded by the public sector. It was not expected, however, that 
the investment goals would be realized. Capital spending was 
aimed at improved living standards — water supplies, waste dis- 
posal, and housing. Tourism and related investments were also 
regarded as priorities. 

An ambitious government initiative is the East Coast Devel- 
opment Plan to reclaim land on Mahe for residential and com- 
mercial construction. Some 800 new homes are to be built to 
ease the housing shortage among ordinary Seychellois. In addi- 
tion, part of the area will be reserved for luxury housing and 
tourist facilities. In 1993 the government announced that it 
would seek private-sector investment to help complete this 
major project. 

Labor 

The government is the nation's largest employer, providing 
jobs for 38 percent of the wage-earning labor force in 1991. 
The parastatal sector employed a further 26 percent, leaving 
only 36 percent of workers in the private sector. The total labor 
force was about 29,600 in 1991; some 19 percent were domestic 
workers, self-employed, or family workers. The remainder were 



229 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

in formal wage employment. Hotel and restaurant workers 
formed the largest single category (14.1 percent), followed by 
transportation (13.8 percent), manufacturing (11.2 percent), 
public administration (10.9 percent), and agriculture (9.1 per- 
cent). 

The government establishes official minimum wages 
depending upon job classification, although most jobs are paid 
at well above the rates set. Average monthly earnings as of mid- 
1992 were about SRe2,750 in the government and parastatal 
sectors and SRe2,260 in the private sector. The differential was 
caused by high 1992 salary increases for government and para- 
statal workers amounting to 12.3 percent and 14.3 percent, 
respectively, which the private sector could not match. The 
Central Bank of Seychelles has noted that wage inflation, which 
averaged 10.8 percent for the entire labor force, greatly 
exceeded the retail price inflation of 3.3 percent and could not 
be justified by corresponding productivity gains. The bank 
feared that the government's salary awards would add to exist- 
ing pressures on the country's cost base, its external competi- 
tiveness, and its external accounts. 

The sole labor union is the National Workers' Union 
(NWU) , which is controlled by the SPPF. All workers are mem- 
bers because a percentage of their social security contributions 
are earmarked for union dues. Workers can elect their own 
shop stewards, but candidates are screened by the NWU execu- 
tive secretariat, which can dismiss any elected shop steward. 
Workers can strike only with the permission of the SPPF Cen- 
tral Committee. Nevertheless, two labor disputes occurred in 
the changed 1992 political environment. Workers in the main 
electrical generating plant organized a brief shutdown, win- 
ning increased allowances in their compensation packages, 
and stevedores struck for better conditions and higher com- 
pensation. To avoid disruption at a critical time for the indus- 
trial fisheries sector, the government essentially met the 
stevedores' demands. 

In November 1993, the National Assembly passed the Trade 
Union Industrial Act, which gave Seychellois workers the right 
to join and to form their own unions. Any such unions, how- 
ever, may not compete with the overall NWU. One indepen- 
dent union was formed in late 1993. 

In addition to approving collective bargaining agreements 
and reviewing private wage scales, the Ministry of Employment 
and Social Affairs can enforce employment conditions and 



230 



Seychelles 



benefits. With many free or subsidized public services, notably 
education and health, even workers at the low end of the pay 
scale can sustain their families at a basic level. Even so, many 
families rely on two or more incomes to deal with the high 
price structure. 

The government has set a legal work week of forty or thirty- 
five hours, depending on the occupation. With overtime, the 
work week may not exceed sixty hours. Workers are entided to 
a thirty-minute break each day and twenty-one days of paid 
annual leave. Comprehensive occupational health and safety 
regulations are enforced through regular workplace visits. 

Agriculture 

The Ministry of Agriculture and Marine Resources in 1993 
gave up the management of five state-owned farms, which were 
divided into small plots and leased to individuals. In addition, 
the agricultural sector consisted of state farms of the Seychelles 
Agricultural Development Company (Sadeco) and the outer 
islands managed by the IDC; three other large holdings pro- 
ducing mainly coconuts, cinnamon, and tea; about 250 families 
engaged in full-time production of foodstuffs; and an esti- 
mated 700 families working on a part-time basis. Many house- 
holds cultivate gardens and raise livestock for home 
consumption. 

The total cultivable area of the islands is only about 400 
hectares. Although rainfall is abundant, wet and dry seasons 
are sharply defined. Better irrigation and drainage systems are 
needed to improve food crops. The government has taken vari- 
ous measures to reduce dependency on imported foods, 
including deregulating production and marketing and reduc- 
ing the trade tax on fertilizers and equipment. As a result, vege- 
table and fruit production climbed from 505 tons in 1990 to 
1,170 tons in 1992. This increase failed to be matched by a 
commensurate decrease in imports of fruits and vegetables, 
which reached 3,471 tons in 1992. Local consumption had 
apparently increased, and substitution between imported and 
domestic foodstuffs was possible only to a limited degree. In 
most cases, imported produce is significantly cheaper in spite 
of air freight, import taxes, and other costs, necessitating a 
high import markup by the SMB to prevent disruption of 
domestic production. Neither rice, a dietary staple, nor other 
grains can be grown on the islands. 



231 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

The expansion of livestock production is hampered by 
encroachment of housing and other development on agricul- 
tural land as well as by increased labor and animal feed costs. 
The number of cattle slaughtered in 1992 (329 head) was virtu- 
ally unchanged from five years earlier. The slaughter of pigs 
(4,598) was about 45 percent higher than 1987, and chicken 
production (439,068) had risen by 60 percent. 

The two traditional export crops of copra — dried coconut 
meat from which an oil is produced — and cinnamon have 
declined greatly because of the high cost of production and 
pressure from low-cost competitors on the international mar- 
ket. Vanilla, formerly important, is produced on a very small 
scale. Tea grown on the misty slopes of Mahe is a more recent 
plantation crop, serving mainly the local market. 

Fisheries 

The fisheries sector is divided into two distinct categories: 
traditional fishing by a domestic fleet of some 400 vessels; and 
industrial tuna fishing by foreign vessels, which began to 
develop in the mid-1970s and has emerged as a major revenue 
source. The domestic inshore fleet consists mainly of open 
boats equipped with inboard or outboard engines, operating 
within a radius of sixteen to forty-eight kilometers of the main 
islands. Domestic offshore operations on banks surrounding 
the Mahe group and the Amirantes Isles are conducted by 
handlines from larger boats with sleeping quarters. Most of the 
catch is frozen. The fish division of the SMB bought and dis- 
tributed fish landed on the three main islands to avoid serious 
price fluctuations. An export trade in the local catch developed 
after the opening of the international airport made possible 
deliveries to Europe and other markets. 

Local consumption of fish traditionally has been high, and 
has been estimated at eighty-five kilograms per capita annually 
in the early 1990s. The local catch is also an important menu 
item at the tourist hotels. The domestic fisheries catch reached 
5,734 tons in 1992, about 10 percent of which was accounted 
for by a new industrial fishing venture, the Pecheur Breton moth- 
ership-dory enterprise. 

Beyond 100 kilometers from the Seychelles coasts, fishing is 
conducted by some fifty-five French and Spanish purse seiners 
based at Victoria. (The Spanish vessels briefly shifted their base 
to Mombasa in 1992 but returned when the Seychelles govern- 
ment reduced its port charges.) Some 160,000 tons of tuna 



232 



Seychelles 



were transshipped through Victoria in 1992, of which 45,000 
tons were reported by the vessels' owners to have been fished 
within Seychelles' EEZ. The Seychelles authorities had no way 
of verifying these claims. 

In 1991 Seychelles, Mauritius, and Madagascar formed the 
Tuna Fishing Association to promote their interests. In addi- 
tion, a series of three-year agreements granted European Com- 
munity (EC — see Glossary) vessels the right to fish in the 
Seychelles EEZ. The fourth such agreement, signed in early 
1993, was expected to generate US$13.5 million annually. The 
islands' economy also benefits from the resulting business activ- 
ity at Victoria in the form of port services, stevedoring, and 
ship chandling. The Seychelles government had leased one 
purse seiner to profit more directly from the tuna industry, and 
is building ten seiners, but the project has encountered finan- 
cial difficulties. 

In 1992 the Seychelles Fishing Authority issued 292 licenses 
to long-lines fishing vessels mainly from Taiwan and the Repub- 
lic of Korea (South Korea) . These vessels make few calls at Vic- 
toria, offloading their catches onto motherships in mid-ocean. 
Seychelles is unable to carry out naval and air surveillance of 
possible illegal fishing, especially in more remote parts of the 
EEZ. There is a strong presumption, however, that unautho- 
rized use is being made of its fishing grounds. 

The tuna canning plant opened in 1987, with 70 percent of 
its capital of Seychelles origin and 30 percent invested by a 
French cooperative; the plant is designed to process 8,000 to 
10,000 tons of fish a year. It employs 425 people, mostly 
women, and has brought a rapid growth of export earnings, 
reaching US$12.3 million by 1991. The net gain in balance of 
payments was less because the operation required some 
imports, notably the cans, which could not be produced 
domestically. 

Oil 

Seychelles depends on imported petroleum to meet its 
domestic power requirements. Following the increase in oil 
prices in 1990, fuel accounted for nearly 8.6 percent of the 
nation's import bill, exclusive of reexports. The possibility of 
commercially exploitable offshore oil led to the granting of 
exploration rights in 1977 to a consortium headed by Amoco 
Oil Company. Amoco later bought out its partners and 



233 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

acquired additional exploration rights but ceased drilling in 
1986 when all of its test wells proved dry. 

The government embarked on a new program to interest oil 
companies in exploration in 1985 with technical assistance 
from Norway in preparing feasibility studies. In 1987 the Brit- 
ish Enterprise Oil Company and the United States Texaco Cor- 
poration obtained rights for areas south and west of Mahe. 
After completing promising seismic studies, Enterprise 
announced plans to begin drilling in 1995. The Seychelles gov- 
ernment retains rights to participate in joint development of 
the concession if commercial quantities of oil are found. In 
August 1990, Ultramar Canada, Inc. stated that it had an agree- 
ment to search 10,200 square kilometers of seabed northeast of 
Mahe. 

Manufacturing 

Owing to the small size of the local market and the lack of 
raw materials, manufacturing occurs on a very limited scale. As 
of 1991, only 2,563 persons were employed in a total of eighty- 
eight enterprises, twelve of them parastatals. Most employed 
fewer than ten people, and only five firms employed as many as 
100. A number are import-substitution industries (see Glos- 
sary), the largest of which is a brewery and soft drink plant. 
Other firms include cigarette, clothing, paint, plastics, and fur- 
niture factories, cinnamon and coconut processing plants, and 
some handicrafts catering to the tourist industry. To encourage 
foreign interest in the manufacturing sector, the government 
has developed a new investment code guaranteeing full repatri- 
ation of profits and capital, protection against nationalization, 
free import of capital goods, and other incentives. The govern- 
ment reserves the right, however, to require that the state share 
an interest in larger-scale industrial activities. 

Tourism 

Tourism is the most important nongovernment sector of the 
economy. About 15 percent of the formal work force is directiy 
employed in tourism, and employment in construction, bank- 
ing, transportation, and other activities is closely tied to the 
tourist industry. Foreign-exchange gross earnings from tourism 
were SRe607 million in 1993. The direct contribution of the 
tourism sector to GDP was estimated at 50 percent, and it pro- 
vides about 70 percent of total foreign-exchange earnings. 
Although difficult to measure, the import content of tourism 



234 



Seychelles 



expenditures is high, so net tourism earnings are significantly 
lower. 

The tourist industry was born with the completion of the 
international airport in 1971, advancing rapidly to a level of 
77,400 arrivals in 1979. After slackening in the early 1980s, 
growth was restored through the introduction of casinos, vigor- 
ous advertising campaigns, and more competitive pricing. 
After a decline to 90,050 in 1991 because of the Persian Gulf 
War, the number of visitors rose to more than 116,000 in 1993. 
In 1991 France was the leading source of tourists, followed by 
Britain, Germany, Italy, and South Africa. Europe provided 80 
percent of the total tourists and Africa — mostly South Africa 
and Reunion — most of the remainder. European tourists are 
considered the most lucrative in terms of length of stay and per 
capita spending. 

Under the 1990-94 development plan, which emphasizes 
that the growth of tourism should not be at the expense of the 
environment, the number of beds on the islands of Mahe, Pras- 
lin, and La Digue is to be limited to 4,000. Increases in total 
capacity are to be achieved by developing the outer islands. To 
avoid future threats to the natural attractions of the islands, 
150,000 tourists per year are regarded as the ultimate ceiling. 
The higher cost of accommodations and travel, deficiencies in 
services and maintenance of facilities, and a limited range of 
diversions handicap Seychelles in attracting vacationers at the 
expense of other Indian Ocean tourist destinations. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

Cars and buses are the principal means of transportation; 
Seychelles has no railroads. The total road network as of 1994 
was 302 kilometers, of which 202 kilometers were hard sur- 
faced. Road conditions on the island of Mahe are for the most 
part excellent. Vehicle registrations consist of 4,072 private 
cars, 216 buses, 1,105 commercial vehicles, and 102 motorcy- 
cles. Between 1983 and 1986, car imports were prohibited to 
conserve foreign exchange. Under a quota system subse- 
quently introduced, vehicle imports were allowed to rise to 
1,070 in 1989. 

Mahe has an international airport and a good harbor. A gov- 
ernment ferry service links Mahe to the nearby islands of Pras- 
lin and La Digue. Private vessels serve some smaller islands, but 
in the more remote islands service is less frequent and is prima- 
rily for loading copra and delivering supplies. In April 1994, 



235 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Seychelles Shipping Line was founded to provide additional 
international service. 

Seychelles has fourteen airports or airstrips, eight with hard- 
surfaced runways. The state airline, Air Seychelles, was con- 
verted from an interisland to an international carrier in 1983 
to offset the effects of termination of air service by British Air- 
wavs. In 1989 it purchased a Boeing 767, followed in 1993 bv a 
Boeing 757 on a lease-purchase arrangement. The larger 767 
flies to northern European cities, such as London, Frankfurt, 
and Zurich, and the 757 provides service to Johannesburg, 
Nairobi. Bahrain, Dubayy. Singapore, Rome, Paris and Madrid. 
The airline also has four de Havilland DHC-6 Twin Otters and 
one Pilatus Britten-Norman Islander. In addition, five interna- 
tional carriers serve the airport on Malie. .Air Seychelles' share 
of international traffic was 35 percent in 1992, which it hoped 
to expand to more than 40 percent. 

Seychelles has an air traffic control center covering some 
2.6 million square kilometers between the east coast of Africa 
and the Indian subcontinent. The center opened in June 1991 
and has taken over some of the responsibilities that Somalia 
handled; it serves seventeen international airlines. 

Seychelles has good telecommunications links with all parts 
of the world bv satellite and telephone service on the islands of 
Mane, Praslin. and La Digue. Direct radio communications 
link the outer islands to Mane and to African coastal countries. 
Some 13.000 telephone lines were in use as of 1994, along with 
more than 200 telex and facsimile machines. In 1994 some 
40.000 radios and 13,000 television sets could receive programs 
of the government-owned Seychelles Broadcasting Corpora- 
tion. With the help of three relay stations, television signals are 
available to between 75 and 80 percent of the population. The 
television stations carry foreign programming beamed to an 
Indian Ocean International Telecommunications Satellite 
Organization (Intelsat) earth station. There are two amplitude 
modulation (AM) radio stations, one government and the 
other a missionary system licensed to broadcast both local and 
international religious programs. 

Foreign Trade 

Seychelles has experienced recurrent foreign-exchange 
problems because of its limited export potential and fluctua- 
tions in tourist traffic. Growing national income has been 
accompanied bv pressures for increased imports of manufac- 



236 



Seychelles 



tured consumer goods that cannot be produced domestically. 
In 1991 the government took measures to restrain imports, and 
in 1992 it imposed surcharges on luxury goods, in addition to 
taking other actions to restrict domestic spending. 

Until 1987 the nation's principal export was fresh and fro- 
zen fish, followed by high-quality copra, for which Pakistan, the 
leading importer, paid premium prices. Cinnamon bark and 
shark fins were the only other exports of consequence. Reex- 
ports, mainly of tourist-related duty-free items and petroleum 
products for aircraft and ships, were considerably higher than 
earnings from merchandise exports. From 1987 onward, 
canned tuna dominated the islands' export trade. With a value 
of SRe64.1 million, canned tuna constituted 73 percent of all 
domestic exports in 1991. Fresh and frozen fish exports 
brought SRel7.7 million, but copra and cinnamon had shrunk 
to insignificant levels. 

France had been the principal destination of Seychelles 
exports for many years, sometimes absorbing more than 60 
percent of the islands' products. In 1991 the Seychelles trade 
pattern shifted sharply in favor of Britain (52.7 percent of total 
exports), followed by France (22.8 percent), and Reunion 
(13.6 percent). Both Reunion and Mauritius are leading cus- 
tomers for frozen fish. 

Seychelles imports a broad range of foods, manufactured 
goods, machinery, and transportation equipment. The largest 
single category is petroleum fuels and lubricants, although 
much of this is reexported through servicing of ships and air- 
craft. Seychelles' main suppliers in 1991 were Bahrain, South 
Africa, Britain, Singapore, and France. Because of its high 
import dependence, the country's visible trade is always heavily 
in deficit. In 1991 its total of domestic exports and reexports 
(SR258 million) was only 28 percent of total imports (SR910 
million). Gross receipts from tourism usually cover some 60 
percent of imports but fall short of bridging the gap in the bal- 
ance of payments. In 1993 Seychelles joined the Preferential 
Trade Area for Eastern and Southern Africa, which should 
improve its trade because of greater currency convertibility, 
particularly with Mauritius. 

Government and Politics 

Between 1979 and 1993, Seychelles was governed under a 
single-party socialist system. President Rene, who had assumed 
power in a military coup d'etat in 1977, had been the sole can- 



237 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

didate in the presidential elections of 1979, 1984, and 1989, 
each time winning an affirmative vote of more than 90 percent. 

The SPPF agreed to relinquish its monopoly of power in 
December 1991 when a party congress approved Rene's pro- 
posal to allow other political groups to be registered (see 
Return to a Multiparty System, this ch.). Groups receiving suffi- 
cient popular support were permitted to take part in revising 
the constitution. A first effort to produce a new constitution 
failed in a referendum in November 1992, but after further 
negotiations constitutional changes were approved the follow- 
ing June. Multiparty elections followed in July 1993 in which 
Rene and the SPPF were again victorious. 

Governmental System, 1 979-93 

Under the constitution that took effect in 1979, all political 
activity, in particular that regarding the formulation and 
debate of policy, was conducted under the auspices of the 
SPPF, or Front. The party constitution was attached as a supple- 
ment to the national constitution. The president, as head of 
state and commander in chief of the armed forces, was nomi- 
nated by the national congress of the SPPF and stood for elec- 
tion on a yes-no basis. All Seychellois aged seventeen or older 
could vote. The president served a five-year term and could be 
elected no more than three times in succession. 

The constitution provided few checks on executive powers. 
The president appointed a cabinet without review by the Peo- 
ple's Assembly. The latter consisted of twenty-three members 
elected for four-year terms from twenty-three constituencies, 
plus two members named by the president to represent the 
inner and outer islands. The president appointed the chair of 
the assembly. The SPPF selected candidates for assembly seats. 
In some constituencies, only one candidate was nominated, but 
in others the voters could choose from as many as three SPPF 
nominees. The legislature exercised no independent role, sim- 
ply enacting into law bills proposed by the executive branch. 
Debates on issues occurred and were reported in the media, 
but criticism of the president or the government was not toler- 
ated. 

Return to a Multiparty System 

Several factors contributed to the shift away from single- 
party rule. Political changes in the former Soviet Union and 
Eastern Europe, and a movement toward multiparty systems in 



238 



Seychelles 



Africa, left Seychelles conspicuously out of step with trends in 
the rest of the world. Britain and France trimmed their foreign 
aid programs, tying future aid to progress on the political 
front. Exiled Seychelles political figures were active in drawing 
attention to the autocratic features of the Seychelles system 
(see Opposition Movements and Interest Groups, this ch.). In 
addition, domestic opposition to domination by the SPPF had 
become increasingly open by 1991. The Roman Catholic 
Church, the business community, and even a few figures in the 
SPPF had begun to express dissatisfaction. Embryonic local 
government had been introduced by combining the role of 
local party branch leaders and district councillors, but this step 
failed to satisfy sentiment for a more open and democratic sys- 
tem. 

On December 3, 1991, at a special congress of the SPPF, 
President Rene announced that, beginning in January 1992, 
political groupings of at least 100 members would be permitted 
to register and that multiparty elections for a commission to 
participate in drafting a new constitution would be held six 
months later. In April 1992, former president James Mancham 
returned from Britain to lead the New Democratic Party 
(NDP) , which tended to represent the commercial and wealthy 
in the election campaign. Six additional parties were also regis- 
tered. In the voting for the constitutional commission, the 
SPPF gained 58.4 percent of the votes and the NDP, 33.7 per- 
cent. None of the other parties gained enough to be repre- 
sented, although the most successful of these, the Seychellois 
Party (Parti Seselwa) led by Wavel Ramkalanan and calling for 
restoring free enterprise, was granted one seat on the commis- 
sion. As a prelude to the constitutional conference, in Septem- 
ber 1992 the government ended the eleven-year state of 
emergency declared after the 1981 attempted mercenary coup. 

During the subsequent constitutional conference, the NDP 
delegation withdrew, objecting to closed sessions and claiming 
that the SPPF was forcing through an undemocratic document 
that reinforced the wide powers of the current president. The 
SPPF members, who constituted a quorum, continued the 
commission's work, and the draft constitution was submitted 
for popular referendum in November 1992. 

The vote in favor of the new constitution was 53.7 percent, 
well short of the 60 percent needed for acceptance. The NDP 
campaigned for rejection of the draft, claiming that it would 
perpetuate domination by the president. The draft stipulated 



239 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



that half of the assembly seats would be allocated by propor- 
tional representation based on the presidential election results, 
thus guaranteeing the president a majority. The Roman Catho- 
lic Church also objected to the legalization of abortion called 
for in the document. 

In January 1993, the constitutional commission reconvened 
to resume negotiations on a new draft constitution. The pro- 
ceedings were conducted more openly, live television coverage 
was permitted, and interest groups could submit proposals. 
The new constitution, which had the support of both the SPPF 
and the NDP, was approved by 73.9 percent of the voters in a 
second referendum held on June 18, 1993. The text empha- 
sized human rights and the separation of executive, legislative, 
and judicial powers. The presidency was again limited to three 
terms of five years each. The constitution provided for a leader 
of the opposition to be elected by the National i\ssembly. The 
assembly consisted of thirty-three members, twenty-two of them 
elected and eleven designated by proportional representation. 

In the first election under the new constitution, held on July 
23, 1993, Rene was again elected president with 60 percent of 
the vote. Mancham of the NDP received 37 percent, and Phil- 
ippe Boulle of the United Opposition Party 7 , a coalition of the 
smaller parties, received 3 percent. Of the elective seats for the 
National Assembly, SPPF candidates won twenty-one and the 
NDP, one. Of the total thirty-three seats in the assembly, twenty- 
seven went to the SPPF, five to the NDP, and one to the United 
Opposition Party. 

Although Seychelles security forces intimidated some anti- 
SPPF candidates in 1992, no coercion was reported during the 
1993 voting. Fears of loss of jobs and benefits are believed to 
have played a part in the SPPF victory, however. 

Opposition Movements and Interest Groups 

Most domestic critics of the government had been silenced 
by harassment or had been forced into exile during the period 
of one-party rule from 1977 to 1991. Opposition groups, about 
which little information is available, included the Movement 
for Resistance (Mouvement pour la Resistance) , Seychelles Lib- 
eration Committee, and Seychelles Popular Anti-Marxist Front. 
Government control over the press and radio and television 
broadcasts also made it difficult for any opposition views to be 
heard, although newspapers printed by exiles were smuggled 
in from abroad or received bv fax. The Roman Catholic and 




Typical early twentieth-century house, Make 
Street scene, suburbs of Victoria 
Courtesy Brian Kens ley 



241 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Anglican churches were allowed to comment on social and 
political issues during broadcasts of religious services, which 
each was allowed on alternate Sundays. The Roman Catholic 
bishop exercised a degree of influence and was regarded as 
one of the few checks against abuse by the Rene regime. 

Until 1992 the Seychelles government tolerated no manifes- 
tation of domestic opposition, and opposition figures were 
forced to carry on their anti-SPPF campaigns from abroad, 
mainlv in London. One exile leader, Gerard Hoarau. head of 
the Seychelles National Movement, was assassinated in 1985 in 
a crime that the British police were unable to solve. 

The leading member of the exile community", however, was 
Mancham. former head of the Seychelles Democratic Partv 
who was overthrown as president in 1977. In April 1992, Man- 
cham returned to Seychelles to revive his political movement. 
Since 1989 Mancham had mounted what he called a "fax revo- 
lution" from London, designed to stir up opposition by send- 
ing facsimile messages to the 200 fax machines in Seychelles. 
His program, entitled the Crusade for Democracy, was 
intended to restore democracy to Seychelles peacefully. Data 
transmitted bv fax included accounts of human rights viola- 
tions in Seychelles and charges of corruption of the Rene 
regime. Rene's government made it illegal to circulate a sedi- 
tious fax in Seychelles, but fax owners eluded this regulation by 
photocopying the original before turning it in to the police. 
Rene then sought to counter the criticism through a govern- 
ment media campaign, but in so doing he admitted the exist- 
ence of an opposition in Seychelles. The end result was that he 
was obliged to give way and allow multiparty democracy to 
exist. Rene recognized Mancham as official Leader of the 
Opposition, and Mancham received a salary as a government 
employee with various perquisites. 

A third opposition leader was Anglican clergyman Wavel 
Ramkalanan. In a 1990 radio sermon. Ramkalanan denounced 
violations of human rights bv the Rene government. Although 
forced off the air. he continued to distribute copies of his ser- 
mons charging government corruption. Ramkalanan formed 
the Parti Seselwa when the government lifted its political ban 
but obtained only a 4.4 percent return in the 1992 election for 
delegates. The Parti Seselwa and five other newly registered 
parties allied themselves with Mancham's XDP but later broke 
away to form the Lnited Opposition Party*, charging Mancham 
with being too willing to compromise with Rene and the SPPF. 



242 



Seychelles 



The Roman Catholic Church continued to wage opposition 
to the Rene regime. In early 1993, the Roman Catholic bishop 
appeared before the constitutional commission several times to 
complain about past human rights violations by the Rene gov- 
ernment. He also demanded that the new constitution adopt a 
ban on abortion and provide for religious education in the 
schools. 

Information Media 

During the rule of Rene and the SPPF through 1991, politi- 
cal expression was tightly controlled. The only daily newspaper 
was the government-owned Seychelles Nation, which had an esti- 
mated circulation of 4,000. Published by the Department of 
Information and Telecommunications, it has a government 
bias and does not present independent views. L'Echo des lies, a 
Roman Catholic weekly that touches on current events, is not 
subject to censorship and often carries views critical of the gov- 
ernment. Its circulation is about 2,000. After the political liber- 
alization of 1992, several opposition journals appeared and 
were allowed to publish without government harassment. For- 
eign publications are imported and sold without interference. 

The state-owned Seychelles Broadcasting Corporation 
(SBC), previously closely controlled, was granted autonomous 
status in 1992. Television and radio continued to show a pro- 
SPPF bias but began to broadcast material critical of the gov- 
ernment in their news. Party political broadcasts were permit- 
ted, and SBC coverage of the campaigns and constitutional 
deliberations was followed closely. 

Legal System and Civil Rights 

The three-tiered judicial system consists of magistrates' or 
small claims courts, the Supreme (or trial) Court, and the 
Court of Appeal. The Court of Appeal hears appeals from the 
Supreme Court in both civil and criminal cases. The Supreme 
Court has jurisdiction of first instance as well as acting as an 
appeals court from the magistrates' courts. The system is based 
on English common law, with influences of the Napoleonic 
Code (e.g., in tort and contract matters), and customary law. 
Criminal cases are heard in magistrates' courts or the Supreme 
Court depending on the seriousness of the charge. Juries are 
called only in cases of murder or treason. Normal legal protec- 
tions are extended to defendants. They include public trials, 
the right of the accused to be present, and the accused's right 



243 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

to confront witnesses, to appeal, to qualify for bail in most 
cases, and to be represented by counsel, on a pro bono basis if 
indigent. Judges from other Commonwealth countries — mostly 
African or Asian — are employed on a contract basis. Judges 
remain independent from influence by the executive in spite 
of occasional government pressure. 

Under the penal code, a detained person must be brought 
before a magistrate within forty-eight hours. Before repeal of 
the Public Security Act in 1992, persons could be detained 
indefinitely on security charges. The president still has broad 
personal powers to detain persons regarded as security threats. 
Since 1989 only a few brief detentions have been reported, all 
under the Public Security Act. 

Much progress in human rights has occurred since political 
freedoms were restored in 1992. Both military and police 
engaged in physical harassment of members of opposition par- 
ties before the 1992 election of constitutional delegates, but 
later elections were free of intimidation. The government's 
control of jobs, housing, and land enables it to reward support- 
ers and discourage dissent. Legislation still on the books in 
1994 brings the risk of prosecution and imprisonment for pub- 
lishing defamatory material against the president or for pub- 
lishing or possessing publications banned by the government 
for security reasons. The close association of the armed forces 
with the SPPF represents a further threat to the full exercise of 
political rights. In an attempt to mollify domestic and foreign 
critics, Rene removed the deputy secretary general of the SPPF 
as chief of staff of the defense forces in 1992. 

The number of crimes and other offenses reported in 1990 
was 4,564, of which 35 percent involved violations of traffic 
ordinances. Thefts, burglaries, housebreaking, and other 
forms of stealing made up most of the remaining 1,559 
offenses. There were five cases of homicide; thirteen cases of 
rape and indecent assault; 634 aggravated or common assaults; 
287 offenses against property such as trespass and arson; and 
403 incidents of disorderly conduct. The general trend appears 
to be downward, although the sharpest decline is in vehicular 
offenses. Theft in tourist hotels is said to be on the rise. Juve- 
nile delinquency — linked to boredom and isolation — is a grow- 
ing problem. 

Official statistics are not available on sentencing or the 
prison population. The United States Department of State 
described living conditions at the Police Bay prison as spartan 



244 



Seychelles 



but said that in 1993 both the SPPF and opposition members 
drafting the constitution had been allowed to visit and found 
conditions satisfactory. Weekly family visits are allowed, and 
inmates have access to printed materials. 

Foreign Relations 

Officials characterize the nation's foreign policy as one of 
"positive nonalignment," under which the country pursues an 
active and independent course in the conduct of its interna- 
tional relations. Seychelles is a member of the United Nations 
(UN) and a number of related agencies, including the IMF. It 
is also a member of the Commonwealth, which has assisted it in 
transition to multiparty democracy; the Organization of Afri- 
can Unity (OAU); and the Nonaligned Movement. In 1984 Sey- 
chelles became linked with Mauritius and Madagascar in the 
Indian Ocean Commission (IOC); later joined by Comoros 
and France on behalf of Reunion, the IOC seeks to promote 
economic cooperation in the region and expand interisland 
trade. 

Although the Rene government often has sided with the 
more radical members and causes of the Nonaligned Move- 
ment, neither the positions taken nor the radical rhetoric in 
which they were expressed have been allowed to interfere with 
essentially pragmatic decisions directly affecting the nation's 
interests. Seychelles is particularly active in promoting the con- 
cept of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, campaigning for 
the removal of all foreign powers and bases in the region. It is 
committed to seeking the end of the United States naval pres- 
ence on Diego Garcia, an island territory of Britain situated 
about 1,900 kilometers east of Mahe. In a spirit of solidarity 
with the more radical states of the nonaligned spectrum, Sey- 
chelles has pursued political ties with the German Democratic 
Republic (East Germany), Libya, Cuba, Iraq, and the Demo- 
cratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea). It has sup- 
ported the former Soviet Union on such controversial issues as 
its invasion of Afghanistan. 

Seychelles also seeks to strengthen its relations with the lit- 
toral nations of the Indian Ocean. Such states include other 
island governments such as those of French-administered 
Reunion, and independent Maldives and Mauritius as well as 
more distant nations such as India, Bangladesh, Tanzania, and 
Kenya. India has been a source of funding for Seychelles 
projects, and in October 1990 Rene paid his third visit to the 



245 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

country following the first meeting of the Indo-Seychelles Joint 
Commission. The body has continued to meet biennially to dis- 
cuss common trade, investment, and communications matters. 
In addition, the navies of the two countries cooperate. In Feb- 
ruary 1992, the Seychelles minister of education visited Bang- 
ladesh to expand bilateral cooperation in education, literacy 
programs, and rural development. Relations with the Tanza- 
nian government were especially close during the early years of 
the Rene regime. Tanzanians had helped train and equip the 
initiators of the coup that brought Rene to power, and Tanza- 
nian advisers had helped establish and train the Seychelles Peo- 
ple's Liberation Army. With both Tanzania and Kenya, 
Seychelles has discussed sharing labor resources and with Tan- 
zania, the sharing of its EEZ, tourism promotion, and air 
flights. 

In a practical sense, Seychelles' links with the countries of 
the West have been much more significant than its political kin- 
ship with more radical developing countries. Seychelles has 
succeeded in attracting relatively large amounts of aid; foreign 
assistance per capita was US$223 annually in 1975-79, US$295 
in 1980-85, and US$331 in 1985-90. France has been the lead- 
ing donor, providing US$53.9 million in bilateral assistance 
between 1982 and 1990, in addition to contributions through 
the World Bank and the EC. Loans placed through the Sey- 
chelles Development Bank and direct investments are also 
important. Examples of projects France has funded for Sey- 
chelles included in 1990 assistance to the television station to 
promote broadcasting in French and provision of devices to 
improve airport security. Britain has been second in total aid, 
supplying US$26.1 million in the 1982-90 period. Australia has 
extended modest amounts of aid, primarily in the form of edu- 
cation and training programs, as part of its efforts to become 
more fully engaged in the Indian Ocean region. Before the 
Soviet Union broke up in 1990, it was a significant contributor, 
granting such aid as fuel oil to assist in patrolling the EEZ. The 
relative prosperity of the islands has brought a decline in aid 
from most sources. The British aid level had fallen to about 
US$1.5 million annually in 1991. 

In addition to Peace Corps volunteers working in Sey- 
chelles, United States assistance, which earlier amounted to 
US$3.3 million annually, was US$1.3 million in fiscal year (FY — 
see Glossary) 1993. The preeminent feature of United States- 
Seychelles relations over the preceding thirty years was the 



246 



Seychelles 



United States Air Force satellite tracking station situated on 
Mahe on land leased from Seychelles at US$4.5 million annu- 
ally as of 1993. The Seychelles economy benefits by a further 
US$5 to US$6 million annually in local spending linked to the 
station. The facility's complement consists of four uniformed 
air force personnel, about seventy-five civilian contract person- 
nel who operate the equipment, and some 175 Seychellois 
employees. United States naval vessels periodically pay calls at 
Victoria. Restrictions on British and United States ships carry- 
ing nuclear weapons had not been enforced since 1983. 

Furthermore, Seychelles has sought to promote economic 
relations, particularly with countries from which it might 
receive loan assistance. For example, it obtained a US$1 mil- 
lion loan for elementary education in December 1988 from the 
OPEC Fund for International Development. In August 1990, 
Seychelles signed an agreement on economic and technologi- 
cal cooperation with China. 

The Seychelles government condemned apartheid policies 
in South Africa and joined in the voting in the OAU for trade 
sanctions. Although Rene declared that his government would 
take steps to reduce Seychelles' reliance on South African prod- 
ucts, South Africa's relatively low prices and short delivery 
times have in fact brought South Africa a growing share of Sey- 
chelles' trade. In 1991 South Africa accounted for 13.5 percent 
of total imports. Numerous factors combined to curtail tourism 
from South Africa in the early 1980s — the Rene government's 
hostility, the apparent South African involvement in the 1981 
coup attempt, a reduction in air links, and the recession in 
South Africa. Beginning in 1988, however, tourist arrivals 
began to increase dramatically, climbing to 13,570 in 1993. 

As negotiations proceeded to convert to a multiracial politi- 
cal system in Pretoria, Seychelles modified its hostile political 
stance, agreeing to enter into commercial and consular rela- 
tions in April 1992. South Africa also agreed in August 1992 to 
pay compensation of US$3 million for the abortive 1981 coup. 
In November 1993 the two countries agreed to establish rela- 
tions at the ambassadorial level. 

* :fc * 

The Seychelles: Unquiet Islands by Marcus F. Franda is an indis- 
pensable introduction to the islands' history and society, cover- 
ing political developments until 1982. An important 
sociological study, based on fieldwork in 1974-75, is Men, 



247 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Women, and Money in Seychelles by Marion and Burton Benedict. 
James R. Mancham's Paradise Raped: Life, Love, and Power in the 
Seychelles provides helpful political background up to 1983. The 
quarterly reports and annual profile by the Economist Intelli- 
gence Unit provide a record of current political and economic 
developments. The annual reports of the Central Bank of Sey- 
chelles contain assessments of the performance of the various 
sectors of the economy and future prospects. Because relatively 
little is published on the Seychelles, the reader must rely on 
such publications as Africa Economic Digest, Africa Report, New 
African, Africa Contemporary Record, Economist, Indian Ocean News- 
letter, Marches tropicaux et mediterraneens, and Africa Research Bulle- 
tin. The United States Department of State's annual Country 
Reports on Human Rights Practices contains brief but useful 
appraisals of political and social conditions in Seychelles. (For 
further information and complete citations, see Bibliography.) 



248 



Chapter 5. Maldives 




National emblem of Maldives 



Country Profile 



Country 

Formal Name: Republic of Maldives. 
Short Name: Maldives. 
Term for Citizens: Maldivian(s). 
Capital: Male. 

Date of Independence: July 26, 1965 (from Britain). 

Geography 

Size: Approximately 298 square kilometers. 

Topography: Includes some 1,200 coral islands grouped in 
double chain of twenty-seven atolls. Most atolls are ring-shaped 
coral reefs supporting five to ten inhabited islands and twenty 
to sixty uninhabited islands. Average size of islands one to two 
kilometers and height of 1.5 meters above sea level. 

Climate: Relatively high humidity but sea breezes stir air. Dry 
season of northeast monsoon December through March; rainy 
season of southwest monsoon April through October. Annual 
rainfall 2,540 millimeters in north, 3,810 millimeters in south. 

Society 

Population: July 1994 estimate 252,077, with a growth rate of 
3.6 percent. High birthrate of 44 per 1,000 in 1994. 

Ethnic Groups: A homogeneous mixture of Sinhalese, Dravid- 
ian, Arab, Australasian, and African groups; also small group of 
Indian traders. 

Languages: Maldivian Dhivehi is common language with 
loanwords from Arabic, Hindi, and Tamil. 



251 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Religion: Sunni Muslim apart from Shia Muslim Indian traders. 

Education: Primary (one through five), secondary (six through 
ten), and higher secondary (eleven and twelve); attendance 
noncompulsory. Most students attend private Quranic schools 
that charge fees in contrast to free government schools. No 
university but some vocational education. Overall literacy 
claimed as 98.2 percent in 1991. 

Health: Waterborne and tropical diseases prevalent because of 
inadequate drinking water supply. In 1994 life expectancy at 
birth estimated at: overall 64.7 years, 66.1 for females, 63.2 
years for males. In 1994 infant mortality 53.8 per 1,000 live 
births. 

Economy 

Gross National Product (GNP): Ranked by United Nations as 
one of world's twenty-nine least developed countries, World 
Bank estimated 1991 GNP at US$101 million and per capita 
income at US$460, with annual growth rate of 6 percent in 
1993. 

Agriculture: Accounted for almost 10 percent of gross domestic 
product (GDP) in 1990 and employed about 7 percent of labor 
force. Major products coconuts, cassava, corn, taro, and sweet 
potatoes. Most food imported. 

Fishing: Provided 15 percent of GDP in 1992 and employed 22 
percent of labor force; extensive fishing fleet of domestically 
built boats; 1992 catch record 82,000 tons. Modernization and 
refrigeration projects underway. 

Tourism: In 1992 represented 17 percent of GDP and major 
source of foreign exchange. In 1992 had 235,852 tourists, 
mainly from Germany, Italy, Britain, and Japan. 

Exports: Fish and fish products, clothing accessories; main 
markets Britain, United States, and Sri Lanka. 

Imports: Foodstuffs, petroleum products, consumer goods; 
sources India, Sri Lanka, Singapore, and Britain. 



252 



Maldives 



Balance of Payments: 1992 trade deficit US$110.5 million; 
current account deficit US$33.2 million. 

Currency and Exchange Rate: 1 rufiyaa (Rf) = 100 laari. June 
1995 exchange rate US$1.00 = Rfll.77. 

Fiscal Year: Calendar year. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

Ports: Male, Gan; merchant fleet of some twelve vessels. 

Airports: Two with permanent-surface runways: Male and Gan; 
Air Maldives is national airline. 

Telecommunications: (1994) Minimal domestic and 
international facilities; 8,500 telephones; two amplitude 
modulation (AM) stations, one frequency modulation (FM) 
station; one television station; one Indian Ocean International 
Telecommunications Satellite Organization (Intelsat) earth 
station. 

Government and Politics 

Government: Highly centralized presidential system of 
government, based on 1968 constitution as revised. Islam is 
official religion. President is elected for renewable five-year 
term by legislature, or Majlis. Majlis is a unicameral legislature 
whose members serve five-year terms; combination of elected 
and appointed members. Muslim sharia law applies to civil and 
criminal cases; judges appointed by president; courts under 
minister of justice. 

Politics: No organized political parties, but various political 
factions exist. Maumoon Abdul Gayoom reelected president in 
1993; also holds posts of minister of defense and minister of 
finance. 

Foreign Relations: Member of Commonwealth of Nations; has 
particularly close relations with Britain but seeks to maintain 
cordial relations with all states. Founder of South Asian 
Association for Regional Cooperation (see Glossary) in 1985. 



253 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



National Security 

Defense Forces: No armed forces but National Security 
Service of 1,800 members perform army, police, and maritime 
duties. 



254 



MALDIVES IS AN ISOLATED nation and is among the small- 
est and poorest countries in the world. In olden times, the 
islands provided the main source of cowrie shells, then used as 
currency throughout Asia and parts of the East African coast. 
Moreover, historically Maldives has had a strategic importance 
because of its location on the major marine routes of the 
Indian Ocean. Maldives' nearest neighbors are Sri Lanka and 
India, both of which have had cultural and economic ties with 
Maldives for centuries. Although under nominal Portuguese, 
Dutch, and British influences after the sixteenth century, 
Maldivians were left to govern themselves under a long line of 
sultans and occasionally sultanas. 

Maldives gained independence in 1965. The British, who 
had been Maldives' last colonial power, continued to maintain 
an air base on the island of Gan in the southernmost atoll until 
1976. The British departure in 1976 almost immediately trig- 
gered foreign speculation about the future of the air base; the 
Soviet Union requested use of the base, but Maldives refused. 

The greatest challenge facing the republic in the early 1990s 
was the need for rapid economic development and moderniza- 
tion, given the country's limited resource base in fishing and 
tourism. Concern was also evident over a projected long-term 
rise in sea level, which would prove disastrous to the low-lying 
coral islands. 

Historical Setting 

Maldivians consider the introduction of Islam in A.D. 1153 
as the cornerstone of their country's history. Islam remains the 
state religion in the 1990s. Except for a brief period of Portu- 
guese occupation from 1558-73, Maldives also has remained 
independent. Because the Muslim religion prohibits images 
portraying gods, local interest in ancient statues of the pre- 
Islamic period is not only slight but at times even hostile; villag- 
ers have been known to destroy such statues recently 
unearthed. 

Western interest in the archaeological remains of early cul- 
tures on Maldives began with the work of H.C.P. Bell, a British 
commissioner of the Ceylon Civil Service. Bell was shipwrecked 
on the islands in 1879, and he returned several times to investi- 



257 



76 



NORTH 
TILADUMMATI 
ATOLL 



NORTH 
MILADUMMADULU 
ATOLL 



NORTH 
MALOSMADULU 
ATOLL 



SOUTH 
TILADUMMATI 
ATOLL 



SOUTH 
MILADUMMADULU 
ATOLL 




SOUTH 
MALOSMADULU 
ATOLL 



L2J. 



Indian Ocean 



NORTH 
NILANDU 
ATOLL - 
SOUTH -. 
NILANDU 
ATOLL ■ 



WIUNGILI 



^-~_J MALE 



One and a Jlalj 'iVi/nr 
Channel 



NORTH 
HUVADU 
ATOLL 



SOUTH 
HUVADU 
ATOLL 



'Equatorial Channel 



1 1 

73°05' 73° 10 


I 

73-15' 


-0-35- rJ 


MIDuS~Qj °- 35 '- 


\X HITADDU 

\ " 


HERATERA ^ 


\^ABUHERA 





<\ MARUDU 




ADDU ATOLL 


jP WIUNGILI 


73°05' 73°10* 

L i 


73-15 
I 



Figure 8. Maldives: Administrative Divisions, 1994 
256 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

gate ancient Buddhist ruins. Historians have established that by 
the fourth century A.D. Theravada Buddhism originating from 
Ceylon (present-day Sri Lanka) became the dominant religion 
of the people of Maldives. Some scholars believe that the name 
"Maldives" derives from the Sanskrit maladvipa, meaning "gar- 
land of islands." In the mid-1980s, the Maldivian government 
allowed the noted explorer and expert on early marine naviga- 
tion, Thor Heyerdahl, to excavate ancient sites. Heyerdahl 
studied the ancient mounds, called hawitta by the Maldivians, 
found on many of the atolls. Some of his archaeological discov- 
eries of stone figures and carvings from pre-Islamic civilizations 
are today exhibited in a side room of the small National 
Museum on Male. 

Heyerdahl's research indicates that as early as 2,000 B.C. 
Maldives lay on the maritime trading routes of early Egyptian, 
Mesopotamian, and Indus Valley civilizations. Heyerdahl 
believes that early sun-worshipping seafarers, called the Redin, 
first settled on the islands. Even today, many mosques in 
Maldives face the sun and not Mecca, lending credence to this 
theory. Because building space and materials were scarce, suc- 
cessive cultures constructed their places of worship on the 
foundations of previous buildings. Heyerdahl thus surmises 
that these sun-facing mosques were built on the ancient foun- 
dations of the Redin culture temples. 

The interest of Middle Eastern peoples in Maldives resulted 
from its strategic location and its abundant supply of cowrie 
shells, a form of currency widely used throughout Asia and 
parts of the East African coast since ancient times. Middle East- 
ern seafarers had just begun to take over the Indian Ocean 
trade routes in the tenth century A.D. and found Maldives to 
be an important link in those routes. The importance of the 
Arabs as traders in the Indian Ocean by the twelfth century 
A.D. may partly explain why the last Buddhist king of Maldives 
converted to Islam in the year 1153. The king thereupon 
adopted the Muslim title and name of Sultan Muhammad al 
Adil, initiating a series of six dynasties consisting of eighty-four 
sultans and sultanas that lasted until 1932 when the sultanate 
became elective. The person responsible for this conversion 
was a Sunni (see Glossary) Muslim visitor named Abu al Bar- 
akat. His venerated tomb now stands on the grounds of 
Hukuru Mosque, or miski, in the capital of Male. Built in 1656, 
this is the oldest mosque in Maldives. Arab interest in Maldives 



258 



Maldives 



also was reflected in the residence there in the 1340s of the 
well-known North African traveler Ibn Battutah. 

In 1558 the Portuguese established themselves on Maldives, 
which they administered from Goa on India's west coast. Fif- 
teen years later, a local guerrilla leader named Muhammad 
Thakurufaan organized a popular revolt and drove the Portu- 
guese out of Maldives. This event is now commemorated as 
National Day, and a small museum and memorial center honor 
the hero on his home island of Utim in South Tiladummati 
Atoll. 

In the mid-seventeenth century, the Dutch, who had 
replaced the Portuguese as the dominant power in Ceylon, 
established hegemony over Maldivian affairs without involving 
themselves directly in local matters, which were governed 
according to centuries-old Islamic customs. However, the Brit- 
ish expelled the Dutch from Ceylon in 1796 and included 
Maldives as a British protected area. The status of Maldives as a 
British protectorate was officially recorded in an 1887 agree- 
ment in which the sultan accepted British influence over 
Maldivian external relations and defense. The British had no 
presence, however, on the leading island community of Male. 
They left the islanders alone, as had the Dutch, with regard to 
internal administration to continue to be regulated by Muslim 
traditional institutions. 

During the British era from 1887 to 1965, Maldives contin- 
ued to be ruled under a succession of sultans. The sultans were 
hereditary until 1932 when an attempt was made to make the 
sultanate elective, thereby limiting the absolute powers of sul- 
tans. At that time, a constitution was introduced for the first 
time, although the sultanate was retained for an additional 
twenty-one years. Maldives remained a British crown protector- 
ate until 1953 when the sultanate was suspended and the First 
Republic was declared under the short-lived presidency of 
Muhammad Amin Didi. This first elected president of the 
country introduced several reforms. While serving as prime 
minister during the 1940s, Didi nationalized the fish export 
industry. As president he is remembered as a reformer of the 
education system and a promoter of women's rights. Muslim 
conservatives in Male eventually ousted his government, and 
during a riot over food shortages, Didi was beaten by a mob 
and died on a nearby island. 

Beginning in the 1950s, political history in Maldives was 
largely influenced by the British military presence in the 



259 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

islands. In 1954 the restoration of the sultanate perpetuated 
the rule of the past. Two years later, Britain obtained permis- 
sion to reestablish its wartime airfield on Gan in the southern- 
most Addu Atoll. Maldives granted the British a 100-year lease 
on Gan that required them to pay £2,000 a year, as well as some 
forty-four hectares on Hitaddu for radio installations. In 1957, 
however, the new prime minister, Ibrahim Nasir, called for a 
review of the agreement in the interest of shortening the lease 
and increasing the annual payment. But Nasir, who was theo- 
retically responsible to then sultan Muhammad Farid Didi, was 
challenged in 1959 by a local secessionist movement in the 
southern atolls that benefited economically from the British 
presence on Gan (see Maldives, Armed Forces in National Life, 
ch. 6). This group cut ties with the Maldives government and 
formed an independent state with Abdulla Afif Didi as presi- 
dent. The short-lived state (1959-62), called the United Suvadi- 
van Republic, had a combined population of 20,000 
inhabitants scattered in the atolls then named Suvadiva — since 
renamed North Huvadu and South Huvadu — and Addu and 
Fua Mulaku. In 1962 Nasir sent gunboats from Male with gov- 
ernment police on board to eliminate elements opposed to his 
rule. Abdulla Afif Didi fled to the then British colony of Sey- 
chelles, where he was granted political asylum. 

Meanwhile, in 1960 Maldives allowed Britain to continue to 
use both the Gan and the Hitaddu facilities for a thirty-year 
period, with the payment of £750,000 over the period of 1960 
to 1965 for the purpose of Maldives' economic development. 

On July 26, 1965, Maldives gained independence under an 
agreement signed with Britain. The British government 
retained the use of the Gan and Hitaddu facilities. In a national 
referendum in March 1968, Maldivians abolished the sultanate 
and established a republic. The Second Republic was pro- 
claimed in November 1968 under the presidency of Ibrahim 
Nasir, who had increasingly dominated the political scene. 
Under the new constitution, Nasir was elected indirectly to a 
four-year presidential term by the Majlis (legislature). He 
appointed Ahmed Zaki as the new prime minister. In 1973 
Nasir was elected to a second term under the constitution as 
amended in 1972, which extended the presidential term to five 
years and which also provided for the election of the prime 
minister by the Majlis. In March 1975, newly elected prime 
minister Zaki was arrested in a bloodless coup and was ban- 
ished to a remote atoll. Observers suggested that Zaki was 



260 



Maldives 



becoming too popular and hence posed a threat to the Nasir 
faction. 

During the 1970s, the economic situation in Maldives suf- 
fered a setback when the Sri Lankan market for Maldives' main 
export of dried fish collapsed. Adding to the problems was the 
British decision in 1975 to close its airfield on Gan in line with 
its new policy of abandoning defense commitments east of the 
Suez Canal. A steep commercial decline followed the evacua- 
tion of Gan in March 1976. As a result, the popularity of Nasir's 
government suffered. Maldives's twenty-year period of authori- 
tarian rule under Nasir abruptly ended in 1978 when he fled to 
Singapore. A subsequent investigation revealed that he had 
absconded with millions of dollars from the state treasury. 

Elected to replace Nasir for a five-year presidential term in 
1978 was Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, a former university lec- 
turer and Maldivian ambassador to the United Nations (UN) . 
The peaceful election was seen as ushering in a period of polit- 
ical stability and economic development in view of Gayoom's 
priority to develop the poorer islands. In 1978 Maldives joined 
the International Monetary Fund (IMF — see Glossary) and the 
World Bank (see Glossary). Tourism also gained in importance 
to the local economy, reaching more than 120,000 visitors in 
1985. The local populace appeared to benefit from increased 
tourism and the corresponding increase in foreign contacts 
involving various development projects. Despite coup attempts 
in 1980, 1983, and 1988, Gayoom's popularity remained strong, 
allowing him to win three more presidential terms. In the 1983, 
1988, and 1993 elections, Gayoom received more than 95 per- 
cent of the vote. Although the government did not allow any 
legal opposition, Gayoom was opposed in the early 1990s by 
Islamists (also seen as fundamentalists) who wanted to impose 
a more traditional way of life and by some powerful local busi- 
ness leaders. 

Whereas the 1980 and 1983 coup attempts against Gayoom's 
presidency were not considered serious, the third coup attempt 
in November 1988 alarmed the international community. 
About eighty armed Tamil mercenaries landed on Male before 
dawn aboard speedboats from a freighter. Disguised as visitors, 
a similar number had already infiltrated Male earlier. Although 
the mercenaries quickly gained the nearby airport on Hulele, 
they failed to capture President Gayoom, who fled from house 
to house and asked for military intervention from India, the 
United States, and Britain. Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi 



261 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

immediately dispatched 1,600 troops by air to restore order in 
Male. Less than twelve hours later, Indian paratroopers arrived 
on Hulele, causing some of the mercenaries to flee toward Sri 
Lanka in their freighter. Those unable to reach the ship in time 
were quickly rounded up. Nineteen people reportedly died in 
the fighting, and several taken hostage also died. Three days 
later, an Indian frigate captured the mercenaries on their 
freighter near the Sri Lankan coast. In July 1989, a number of 
the mercenaries were returned to Maldives to stand trial. 
Gayoom commuted the death sentences passed against them to 
life imprisonment. 

The 1988 coup had been headed by a once prominent 
Maldivian businessperson named Abdullah Luthufi, who was 
operating a farm on Sri Lanka. Ex-president Nasir denied any 
involvement in the coup. In fact, in July 1990 President 
Gayoom officially pardoned Nasir in absentia in recognition of 
his role in obtaining Maldives' independence. 

Physical Environment 

Physiography 

Maldives consists of approximately 1,200 coral islands 
grouped in a double chain of twenty-seven atolls. Composed of 
live coral reefs and sand bars, these atolls are situated atop a 
submarine ridge 960 kilometers long that rises abruptly from 
the depths of the Indian Ocean and runs from north to south. 
Only near the southern end of this natural coral barricade do 
two open passages permit safe ship navigation from one side of 
the Indian Ocean to the other through the territorial waters of 
Maldives. For administrative purposes, the Maldives govern- 
ment organized these atolls into nineteen administrative divi- 
sions (see fig. 8; Government and Politics, this ch.). 

Most atolls consist of a large, ring-shaped coral reef support- 
ing numerous small islands. Islands average only one to two 
square kilometers in area, and lie between one and 1.5 meters 
above mean sea level. The highest island is situated at three 
meters above sea level. Maldives has no hills or rivers. Although 
some larger atolls are approximately fifty kilometers long from 
north to south, and thirty kilometers wide from east to west, no 
individual island is longer than eight kilometers. 

Each atoll has approximately five to ten inhabited islands; 
the uninhabited islands of each atoll number approximately 
twenty to sixty. Several atolls, however, consist of one large, iso- 



262 



Maldives 



lated island surrounded by a steep coral beach. The most nota- 
ble example of this type of atoll is the large island of Fua 
Mulaku situated in the middle of the Equatorial Channel. 

The tropical vegetation of Maldives comprises groves of 
breadfruit trees and coconut palms towering above dense 
scrub, shrubs, and flowers. The soil is sandy and highly alka- 
line, and a deficiency in nitrogen, potash, and iron severely 
limits agricultural potential. Ten percent of the land, or about 
2,600 hectares, is cultivated with taro, bananas, coconuts, and 
other fruit. Only the lush island of Fua Mulaku produces fruits 
such as oranges and pineapples, partly because the terrain of 
Fua Mulaku is higher than most other islands, leaving the 
groundwater less subject to seawater penetration. Freshwater 
floats in a layer, or "lens," above the seawater that permeates 
the limestone and coral sands of the islands. These lenses are 
shrinking rapidly on Male and on many islands where there are 
resorts catering to foreign tourists. Mango trees already have 
been reported dying on Male because of salt penetration. Most 
residents of the atolls depend on groundwater or rainwater for 
drinking purposes. Concerns over global warming and a possi- 
ble long-term rise in sea level as a result of the melting of polar 
ice are important issues to the fragile balance between the peo- 
ple and the environment of Maldives in the 1990s. 

Climate 

The temperature of Maldives ranges between 24°C and 
33°C throughout the year. Although the humidity is relatively 
high, the constant sea breezes help to keep the air moving. 
Two seasons dominate Maldives' weather: the dry season associ- 
ated with the winter northeast monsoon and the rainy season 
brought by the summer southwest monsoon. The annual rain- 
fall averages 2,540 millimeters in the north and 3,810 millime- 
ters in the south. 

The weather in Maldives is affected by the large landmass of 
the Indian subcontinent to the north. The presence of this 
landmass causes differential heating of land and water. Scien- 
tists also cite other factors in the formation of monsoons, 
including the barrier of the Himalayas on the northern fringe 
of the Indian subcontinent and the sun's northward tilt, which 
shifts the jet stream north. These factors set off a rush of mois- 
ture-rich air from the Indian Ocean over the subcontinent, 
resulting in the southwest monsoon. The hot air that rises over 
the subcontinent during April and May creates low-pressure 



263 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

areas into which the cooler, moisture-bearing winds from the 
Indian Ocean flow. In Maldives, the wet southwest monsoon 
lasts from the end of April to the end of October and brings 
the worst weather with strong winds and storms. In May 1991, 
violent monsoon winds created tidal waves that damaged thou- 
sands of houses and piers, flooded arable land with seawater, 
and uprooted thousands of fruit trees. The damage caused was 
estimated at US$30 million. 

The shift from the moist southwest monsoon to the dry 
northeast monsoon over the Indian subcontinent occurs dur- 
ing October and November. During this period, the northeast 
winds contribute to the formation of the northeast monsoon, 
which reaches Maldives in the beginning of December and 
lasts until the end of March. However, the weather patterns of 
Maldives do not always conform to the monsoon patterns of 
the Indian subcontinent. Rain showers over the whole country 
have been known to persist for up to one week during the 
midst of the dry season. 

Society 
Population 

Based on the 1990 census, the population was 213,215. The 
country's population in mid-1994 was estimated at 252,077. 
The high 1994 birthrate of 44 per 1,000 will lead to a popula- 
tion of more than 300,000 by the year 2000 and 400,000 by 
2020. Although the high population growth rate is a serious 
problem, Maldives lacks an official birth control policy. The 
population growth rate also poses problems for the country's 
future food supply because the dietary staple of rice is not 
grown in the islands and must be imported. 

The largest concentration of Maldives' population is in 
Male, a small island of approximately two square kilometers, 
whose 1990 population of 55,130 represented slightly more 
than 25 percent of the national total. Giving meaningful aver- 
age population density is difficult because many of Maldives' 
approximately 1,200 islands are uninhabited. Of the approxi- 
mately 200 inhabited islands in 1988, twenty-eight had fewer 
than 200 inhabitants, 107 had populations ranging from 200 to 
500, and eight had populations between 500 and 1,000. A gov- 
ernment study in the mid-1980s listed twenty-five places with a 
population of more than 1,000. Maldives has few towns besides 
the capital of Male. Villages comprise most of the settlements 



264 



Maldives 



on the inhabited islands. The 1990 census recorded an average 
population density for Maldives of 706 persons per square kilo- 
meter. 

The first accurate census was held in December 1977 and 
showed 142,832 persons residing in Maldives, an increase of 37 
percent over a 1967 estimate. The next census in March 1985 
showed 181,453 persons, consisting of 94,060 males and 87,393 
females. This pattern has continued in Maldives, with the 1990 
census listing 109,806 males and 103,409 females. 

Despite rapid population growth, family planning programs 
in Maldives did not begin in a well-funded and planned man- 
ner until the UN implemented several programs in the 1980s. 
These programs focused on improving health standards 
among the islanders, including family planning education 
emphasizing the spacing of births and raising the customary 
age of marriage among adolescents. Abortion is not a legally 
accepted method for child spacing in Maldives. In the mid- 
1980s, a World Health Organization (WHO) program moni- 
tored the extent and use of various contraceptive methods over 
a four-year period. As of the early 1990s, the government had 
taken no overt actions toward limiting the number of children 
per couple or setting target population goals. 

Ethnic Groups and Language 

The contemporary homogeneous mixture of Sinhalese, 
Dravidian, Arab, Australasian, and African ethnicity in Maldives 
results from historical changes in regional hegemony over 
marine trade routes. Clarence Maloney, an anthropologist who 
conducted fieldwork in Maldives in the 1970s, determined that 
an early Dravidian-speaking substratum of population from 
Kerala in India had settled in the islands, leaving its legacy in 
the language and place-names. This group was subsequently 
displaced by Dhivehi-speakers who arrived from Sri Lanka and 
whose language became the official one. Arabs compose the 
last main group to arrive beginning in the ninth century. How- 
ever, a rapidly disappearing endogamous subgroup of persons 
of African origin called the Ravare or Giraavaru also existed. In 
1970, facing the loss of their home island in Male Atoll because 
of erosion, the Ravare moved to Hulele. But a few years later, 
the community of 200 people was transferred to Male to permit 
the expansion of the airport on Hulele. 

The only distinct ethnic minority is found in Male among 
the trading community of Indians, who settled there in the 



265 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

1800s. Several hundred in number, they are also a religious 
minority, belonging to the Shia (see Glossary) branch of Islam. 
In addition, a small number of Sri Lankans have come to 
Maldives in recent years to work in the tourist resorts because 
Maldivians, as devout Muslims, refuse to work in facilities serv- 
ing alcoholic beverages. This situation has created some resent- 
ment on the part of local Maldivians facing unemployment. 

The language Maldivian Dhivehi belongs to the Indo-Euro- 
pean language family. Derived from Elu, an archaic form of 
Sinhalese (the language of Sri Lanka), it has numerous loan- 
words from Arabic, from Hindi — which is used in trade with 
Indian merchants — and from Tamil. It has contributed one 
word, "atoll," to international usage. In Dhivehi, the numbers 
from one to twelve are of Sinhalese origin, and after twelve, 
Hindi. The names of the days are Sinhalese and Hindi. The 
names of persons are Arabic. 

Dhivehi is spoken throughout the atolls. Dialect differences 
are pronounced in the four southernmost atolls, however. The 
traditional script, Thaana, is written from right to left. This 
locally invented script contains twenty-four letters, the first 
nine of which are forms of the Arabic numerals. In 1977 a 
romanized script was introduced to be used along with Thaana 
for official correspondence, but since 1979 the requirement is 
no longer mandatory. 

Social Structure 

Maldives was a caste society well into the 1920s. Moderniza- 
tion efforts, however, have helped make Maldives more homo- 
geneous in the early 1990s. Traditionally, a significant gap has 
existed between the elite living on Male and the remainder of 
the population inhabiting the outer islands — those atolls dis- 
tant from Male. President Gayoom's development philosophy 
has centered on decreasing this gap by raising the standard of 
living among the 75 percent of Maldivians who live in the outer 
atolls as well as making Maldives more self-sufficient. Fortu- 
nately, social tensions that might have affected these two dis- 
tinct societies were lessened by the isolation of the outer 
islands. The geographical advantage of having many islands, 
for example, has enabled Maldives to limit the impact of tour- 
ism to special resorts. 

Male, the traditional seat of the sultans and of the nobility, 
remains an elite society wielding political and economic power. 
Members of the several traditionally privileged ruling families; 



266 



Maldives 



government, business, and religious leaders; professionals; and 
scholars are found there. Male differs from other island com- 
munities also because as many as 40 percent of its residents are 
migrants. 

The island communities outside Male are in most cases self- 
contained economic units, drawing meager sustenance from 
the sea around them. Islanders are in many instances interre- 
lated by marriage and form a small, tightly knit group whose 
main economic pursuit is fishing. Apart from the heads of indi- 
vidual households, local influence is exerted by the govern- 
ment appointed island khatib, or chief. Regional control over 
each atoll is administered by the atolu verin, or atoll chief, and 
by the gazi, or community religious leader. Boat owners, as 
employers, also dominate the local economy and, in many 
cases, provide an informal, but effective, link to Male's power 
structure. 

The family is the basic unit of society. Roughly 80 percent of 
Maldivian households consist of a single nuclear family com- 
posed of a married couple and their children rather than an 
extended family. Typically, unmarried adults remain with rela- 
tives instead of living alone or with strangers. The man is usu- 
ally the head of the family household, and descent is 
patrilineal. Women do not accept their husbands' names after 
marriage but maintain their maiden names. Inheritance of 
property is through both males and females. 

As Muslims, men may have as many as four wives, but there 
is little evidence to suggest that many have more than one. 
Islamic law, as practiced in Maldives, makes divorce easy for 
men and women. Divorce rates are among the highest in the 
world. According to the 1977 census, nearly half the women 
over the age of thirty had been married four times or more. 
Half of all women marry by the age of fifteen. About 60 per- 
cent of men marry at age twenty or later. 

The status of women has traditionally been fairly high, as 
attested to in part by the existence of four sultanas. Women do 
not veil, nor are they strictly secluded, but special sections are 
reserved for women in public places, such as stadiums and 
mosques. 

Religion 

With the exception of Shia members of the Indian trading 
community, Maldivians are Sunni Muslims; adherence to Islam, 
the state religion since the twelfth century, is required for citi- 



267 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

zenship. The importance of Islam in Maldives is further evident 
in the lack of a secular legal system. Instead, the traditional 
Islamic law code of sharia, known in Dhivehi as sariatu, forms 
the basic law code of Maldives as interpreted to conform to 
local Maldivian conditions by the president, the attorney gen- 
eral, the Ministry of Home Affairs, and the Majlis. On the 
inhabited islands, the miski, or mosque, forms the central place 
where Islam is practiced. Because Friday is the most important 
day for Muslims to attend mosque, shops and offices in towns 
and villages close around 11 a.m., and the sermon begins by 
12:30 p.m. Most inhabited islands have several mosques; Male 
has more than thirty. Most mosques are whitewashed buildings 
constructed of coral stone with corrugated iron or thatched 
roofs. In Male, the Islamic Center and the Grand Friday 
Mosque, built in 1984 with funding from the Persian Gulf 
states, Pakistan, Brunei, and Malaysia, are imposing elegant 
structures. The gold-colored dome of this mosque is the first 
structure sighted when approaching Male. In mid-1991 
Maldives had a total of 724 mosques and 266 women's 
mosques. 

Prayer sessions are held five times daily. Mudimu, the 
mosque caretakers, make the call, but tape recordings rather 
than the human voice are often used. Most shops and offices 
close for fifteen minutes after each call. During the ninth Mus- 
lim month of Ramadan, Muslims fast during the daylight 
hours. Therefore, cafes and restaurants are closed during the 
day, and working hours are limited. The exact occurrence of 
Ramadan varies each year because it depends on the lunar 
cycle. Ramadan begins with the new moon and ends with the 
sighting of the next new moon. 

The isolation of Maldives from the historical centers of 
Islam in the Middle East and Asia has allowed some pre-Islamic 
beliefs and attitudes to survive. Western anthropologist Mal- 
oney during his 1970s fieldwork in Maldives reports being told 
by a Muslim cleric that for most Maldivians Islam is "largely a 
matter of observing ablutions, fasting, and reciting incompre- 
hensible Arabic prayer formulas." There is a widespread belief 
in jinns, or evil spirits. For protection against such evils, people 
often resort to various charms and spells. The extent of these 
beliefs has led some observers to identify a magico-religious sys- 
tem parallel to Islam known as fandita, which provides a more 
personal way for the islanders to deal with either actual or per- 
ceived problems in their lives. 



268 



Maldives 



Education 

Only primary and secondary education, neither of which is 
compulsory, is offered in Maldives. Students seeking higher 
education must go abroad to a university. Maldives has three 
types of schools: Quranic schools, private Dhivehi-language pri- 
mary schools, and English-language primary and secondary 
schools. Schools in the last category are government-supported 
and are the only ones equipped to teach the standard curricu- 
lum. In 1992 approximately 20 percent of government reve- 
nues went to finance education, a significant increase over the 
1982 expenditure of 8.5 percent. Part of the reason for this 
large expenditure results from recent increases in the construc- 
tion of modern school facilities on many of the islands. In the 
late 1970s, faced with a great disparity between the quality of 
schooling offered in the islands and in Male, the government 
undertook an ambitious project to build one modern primary 
school in each of the nineteen administrative atolls. The gov- 
ernment in Male directly controls the administration of these 
primary schools. Literacy is reportedly high; the claimed 1991 
adult literacy rate of 98.2 percent would give Maldives the high- 
est rate in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. 

In Maldives primary education comprises classes one 
through five, enrolling students in the corresponding ages six 
through ten. Secondary education is divided between classes 
six through ten, which represent overall secondary education, 
and classes eleven and twelve, which constitute higher second- 
ary education. In 1992 Maldives had a total of 73,642 pupils in 
school: 32,475 in government schools and 41,167 in private 
schools. 

Traditionally, education was the responsibility of religious 
leaders and institutions. Most learning centered on individual 
tutorials in religious teachings. In 1924 the first formal schools 
opened in Male. These schools were call edhuruge, and served 
as Quranic schools. Edhuruge were only established on two 
other islands at this time. The basic Quranic primary school on 
the islands in the 1990s is the makthab, dating from the 1940s. 
Quranic primary schools of a slightly larger scale, in terms of 
curriculum, enrollment, and number of teachers, are called 
madhrasaa. During the 1940s, a widespread government cam- 
paign was organized to bring formal schooling to as many of 
the inhabited islands as possible. Enthusiastically supported by 
the islanders, who contributed a daily allotment of the fish 
catch to support the schools, many one-room structures of 



269 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



coral and lime with thatched roofs were constructed. The mak- 
thab assumed the functions of the traditional edhuruge while 
also providing a basic curriculum in reading, writing, and arith- 
metic. But with the death of reformist president Didi and the 
restoration of the sultanate in the early 1950s, official interest 
in the development of education in the atolls waned. 

Throughout the 1960s, attention to education focused 
mainly on the two government schools in Male. In 1960 the 
medium of instruction changed from Dhivehi to English, and 
the curriculum was reorganized according to the imported 
London General Certificate of Education. In the early 1990s, 
secondary education was available only in Male's English- 
medium schools, which also had preschool and primary-level 
offerings. 

As of the early 1990s, education for the majority of Maldiv- 
ian children continues to be provided by the makthab. In 1989 
there were 211 community and private schools, and only fifty 
government schools. The results of a UN study of school enroll- 
ment in 1983 showed that the total number in the new govern- 
ment primary schools on the atolls was only 7,916, compared 
with 23,449 in private schools. In Male the number of students 
attending government schools was 5,892, with 5,341 in private 
schools. Throughout the 1980s, enrollment continued to rise 
as more government-sponsored schools were constructed in 
the atolls. In 1992 the first secondary school outside Male 
opened on Addu Atoll. 

In 1975 the government, with international assistance, 
started vocational training at the Vocational Training Center in 
Male. The training covered electricity, engine repair and main- 
tenance, machinery, welding, and refrigeration. Trainees were 
chosen from among fourth- and fifth-grade students. In the 
atolls, the Rural Youth Vocational Training Program provided 
training designed to meet local needs in engine repair and 
maintenance, tailoring, carpentry, and boat building. On the 
island of Mafuri in Male Atoll, a large juvenile reformatory also 
offered vocational training. Established by the Ministry of 
Home Affairs in 1979, the reformatory provided training 
courses in electrical and mechanical engineering, carpentry, 
welding, and tailoring, as well as a limited primary school aca- 
demic curriculum. 

International organizations enabled the creation of the Sci- 
ence Education Center in 1979, and an Arabic Islamic Educa- 
tion Center opened in 1989. Japanese aid enabled the 



270 



Maldives 



founding of the Maldives Center for Social Education in 1991. 
In the latter half of 1993 work began on the Maldives Institute 
of Technical Education to help eliminate the shortage of 
skilled labor. 

Health 

Health Conditions 

Life expectancy at birth in Maldives in 1994 was 63.2 years 
for males, 66.1 for females, and 64.7 overall. The death rate was 
estimated at seven per 1,000 in 1994. Infant mortality was esti- 
mated at 53.8 per 1,000 live births in 1994, a dramatic decrease 
from the rate of 120 per 1,000 in the 1970s. Nutrition is an 
important factor affecting health. In the 1980s, the daily aver- 
age intake of calories was estimated at 1,781. 

Waterborne and tropical communicable diseases are preva- 
lent as the result of an inadequate drinking water supply. In 
Maldives the freshwater table is shallow and easily contami- 
nated by organic and human waste. To combat these problems, 
the Male Water Supply and Sewerage Project was launched in 
1985. Its completion in 1988 allowed sewer pipes to collect sew- 
age for pumping into the sea. However, in the outer islands no 
such sewerage systems exist. The government has promoted 
the construction of ferro-cement rainwater tanks in recent 
years to help ensure safe drinking water in the outer islands. 
Major diseases include gastroenteritis, typhoid, and cholera. 
Malaria, tuberculosis, filariasis, eye infections, poliomyelitis, 
venereal diseases, and leprosy are also reported. Since the late 
1970s, a number of disease-eradication projects have been 
organized with assistance from the World Health Organiza- 
tion. 

Health Care 

In Maldives the Ministry of Health is responsible for the 
delivery of health services. Despite government efforts, a major 
constraint facing the health sector in the early 1990s is a short- 
age of skilled personnel and health facilities. The WHO 
reported in 1989 that the population per physician was 7,723. 
However, when the ratio for Male was separated from that for 
the atolls, the acute shortage of physicians for the majority of 
Maldivians became even more obvious. Whereas the popula- 
tion per doctor in Male in 1989 was 2,673, in the atolls it was 
35,498. These ratios were derived from a 1989 total of sixteen 



271 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



physicians: twelve in Male and four in the atolls. Also, in 1989 
the only dentist was located in Male. 

Maldives' medical establishment in the early 1990s consisted 
of the Male Central Hospital, four regional hospitals, two in the 
north and two in the south, and twenty-one primary health 
care centers. The Central Hospital maintains ninety-five beds, 
and the four regional hospitals have a combined total of sixty- 
one beds. In 1992 thirty physicians and seventeen medical spe- 
cialists worked in the Central Hospital. Furthermore, the gov- 
ernment opened the Institute for Health Sciences in 1992, and 
the 200-bed Indira Gandhi Memorial Hospital was scheduled 
to open in 1994. 

Each administrative atoll has at least one health center 
staffed by community health workers. Most of the inhabited 
islands also have traditional medical practitioners. However, it 
was reported in the early 1990s that the atoll hospitals and 
health centers could only treat minor illnesses. Routine opera- 
tions could be performed only in Male Central Hospital, which 
had Russian physicians. 

To provide better health facilities in the outer islands, the 
United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), in collaboration 
with the Maldives government, outfitted two boats to be used 
by mobile health teams. In 1985 two mobile health teams were 
dispatched from Male, one to the north and one to the south. 
Each team included a primary health care worker, a nurse, a 
family health worker, a malaria fieldworker, three community 
health workers, and a government official. The services they 
provided included immunization, communicable disease con- 
trol, family health, nutrition, and health education. In the late 
1980s, a third team was added. 

Economy 

Gross Domestic Product 

In the early 1990s, Maldives was ranked by the UN as one of 
the world's twenty-nine least developed countries. The World 
Bank estimated Maldives' gross national product (GNP — see 
Glossary) in 1991 at US$101 million and its per capita income 
at US$460. The 1993 estimated real growth rate was 6 percent. 
Between 1980 and 1991, GNP was estimated to increase at an 
average annual rate of 10.2 percent. 

President Gayoom's development philosophy centers on 
increasing Maldives' self-sufficiency and improving the stan- 



272 



Maldives 



dard of living of residents of the outer islands. In 1994 a consid- 
erable gap continued to exist between the general prosperity of 
the inhabitants of Male and the limited resources and compar- 
ative isolation of those living on the outer islands. The Third 
National Development Plan (1991-93) reflected these objec- 
tives and aimed to improve overall living standards, to reduce 
the imbalance in population density and socioeconomic 
progress between Male and the atolls, and to achieve greater 
self-sufficiency for purposes of future growth. 

The fishing and tourist industries are the main contributors 
to the gross domestic product (GDP — see Glossary). In 1992 
the fishing industry provided approximately 15 percent of total 
GDP. Revenues from tourism were comparable to 80 percent of 
visible export receipts in 1992, contributing approximately 17 
percent of GDP. The country had no known mineral resources, 
and its cropland — small and scattered over the approximately 
200 inhabited islands — was inadequate to sustain a burgeoning 
population. Agriculture employed a little more than 7 percent 
of the labor force in 1990 in the limited production of coco- 
nuts, cassava, taro, corn, sweet potatoes, and fruit, and 
accounted for almost 10 percent of GDP. These basic foodstuffs 
represented only 10 percent of domestic food needs, with the 
remainder being imported. 

Fishing 

Formerly, Maldives shipped 90 percent of its fishing catch of 
tuna in dried form to Sri Lanka. However, because Sri Lanka 
cut back its imports of such fish, in 1979 Maldives joined with 
the Japanese Marubeni Corporation to form the Maldives Nip- 
pon Corporation that canned and processed fresh fish. Also in 
1979 the Maldivian government created the Maldives Fisheries 
Corporation to exploit fisheries resources. 

Maldives has an extensive fishing fleet of boats built domes- 
tically of coconut wood, each of which can carry about twelve 
persons. In 1991 there were 1,258 such pole and line fishing 
boats and 352 trawlers. Based on a US$3.2 million loan from 
the International Development Association (IDA — see Glos- 
sary) , most of the boats have been mechanized in the course of 
the 1980s. Although the addition of motors has increased fuel 
costs, it has resulted in doubling the fishing catch between 
1982 and 1985. Moreover, the 1992 catch of 82,000 tons set a 
record — for example, in 1987 the catch was 56,900 tons. 



273 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Progress has also been made as a result of fisheries develop- 
ment projects undertaken by the World Bank. Harbor and 
refrigeration facilities have been improved, leading to a four- 
fold increase in earnings from canned fish between 1983 and 
1985. Further construction of fisheries refrigeration installa- 
tions and related facilities such as collector vessels were under- 
way in 1994, with funding both from Japan and the World 
Bank. 

Tourism 

Because of its clear waters, distinctive corals, and sandy 
white beaches, Maldives has many features to attract tourists. As 
a result, tourism by 1989 had become the country's major 
source of foreign exchange, surpassing fishing. In 1992 tourism 
income constituted 17 percent of GDP. Furthermore, tourism 
is expected to increase as the government infrastructure 
improvement projects in the areas of transportation, communi- 
cations, sanitation, water supply, and other support facilities 
are put into place. 

Since the 1970s, approximately fifty resorts, mostly consist- 
ing of thatched bungalows, have been built on many uninhab- 
ited islands on Male Atoll. In 1990 a dozen new resorts were 
under construction on Maldives. In the following year, 196,112 
tourists visited Maldives, primarily from Germany, Italy, Britain, 
and Japan in that order. 

Tourist facilities have been developed by private companies 
and in 1991 consisted of sixty-eight "island resorts" with nearly 
8,000 hotel beds. Tourists are not allowed to stay on Male so as 
not to affect adversely the Muslim life-style of the indigenous 
people. Wilingili Island has also been off limits for tourist 
accommodation since 1990 to allow for population overflow 
from Male to settle there. 

Currency and Banking 

The Maldivian unit of currency is the rufiyaa (Rf — see Glos- 
sary). Introduced in 1981, the rufiyaa replaced the Maldivian 
rupee. The rufiyaa is divided into 100 laari. The January 1994 
dollar exchange rate was US$1 = Rfll.l rufiyaa. The rufiyaa 
has been steadily declining in value against the dollar. The 
1993 estimated inflation rate in consumer prices was 15 per- 
cent. 

Established in 1981, the Maldives Monetary Authority was 
the nation's first central bank. In 1974 the first bank estab- 




The sandy beaches of 
Maldives make tourism a 
major source of income. 
Courtesy Gloria Garcia 





275 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

lished in Maldives was a branch of the State Bank of India. A 
branch of the Habib Bank of Pakistan was established in 1976, 
and the Bank of Ceylon also opened two branches. The first 
commercial bank established in Maldives was the Bank of 
Maldives, Limited. It opened in 1982 as a joint venture between 
the government and the International Finance Investment and 
Credit Bank of Bangladesh; by 1993 it was 100 percent state- 
owned. 

Budget 

The fiscal system in Maldives has been described as rudi- 
mentary; the country has no income tax. Tax revenues are 
derived from customs duties, a tourist/airport tax, and prop- 
erty taxes. Major sources of nontax revenues are derived from 
the State Trading Organization, rentals of islands to tourist 
resorts, and boat licensing fees. 

Maldives has experienced a budget deficit since the 1980s, 
when more accurate accounting data became available. Gov- 
ernment revenues in 1984 totaled Rf205.4 million. In 1992 gov- 
ernment revenues rose to Rfl.02 billion, whereas expenditures 
totaled Rfl.5 billion. Of these expenditures, education 
received Rf223 million, atoll development projects Rf362 mil- 
lion, security Rfl 17 million, and health Rflll million. 

Employment 

In 1992 the fishing industry employed about 22 percent of 
the labor force, making it the largest single source of employ- 
ment in Maldives. However, a high level of disguised unemploy- 
ment existed on a seasonal basis as a result of climatic 
conditions. 

Despite its importance as a source of government revenue, 
tourism provides few meaningful employment opportunities to 
Maldivians. Tourism accounts for only about 6 percent of the 
country's labor force. Because most Maldivians have no educa- 
tion beyond primary school, most lack the required knowledge 
of foreign languages to cater to foreign tourists. As a result, 
non-Maldivians fill most of the best jobs in the tourist industry. 
Indigenous employment on the resort islands is also discour- 
aged by the government's efforts to limit contact between 
Maldivians and Westerners to prevent adverse influence on 
local Islamic mores. Also, the low season for tourists, the time 
for rainy monsoons from late April to late October, coincides 
with the low season for the fishing industry. 



276 



Maldives 



After fishing, the largest source of employment is in the 
industrial sector, including mining, manufacturing, power, and 
construction. Although this sector also accounted for nearly 22 
percent of the labor force in 1990, most employment was in tra- 
ditional small-scale cottage industries. Women are mainly 
employed in these activities, such as coir rope making from 
coconut husks, cadjan or thatch weaving from dried coconut 
palm leaves, and mat weaving from indigenous reeds. The 
ancient task of cowrie-shell collecting for export is another 
occupation in which only women participate. In the early 
1990s, a small number of modern industries were operating, 
mostly fish canning and garment making.The largest garment 
factories are Hong Kong-owned and occupy abandoned han- 
gars and other maintenance buildings at the former British air 
station on Gan. They employ about 1,500 local women who are 
bused in and about 500 young Sri Lankan women who reside at 
the site working the nightshift. 

Other forms of employment in 1990 were minor. Govern- 
ment administration accounted for about 7 percent of workers; 
transportation and communications, 5 percent; trade, 3 per- 
cent; and mining of coral, 1 percent. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

Maldives has two airports with permanent-surface runways 
more than 2,440 meters long, one located adjacent to Male on 
Hulele Island, known as Male International Airport, and the 
other on Gan Island in the southernmost Addu Atoll, which is 
scheduled to become an international airport. Since 1981, 
after the runway was widened and expanded, the airport on 
Hulele has been able to handle direct charter flights from 
Europe. The airport on Gan is used only for domestic traffic. 
Two additional domestic airports cater to foreign tourists. One 
on Kadu Island in Haddummati Atoll opened in 1986, and the 
other on Hanimadu Island in South Tiladummati Atoll opened 
in 1990. A further domestic airport on Kodedu Island was 
scheduled to open in 1994. 

In 1974 the government created Air Maldives, which had 
one eighteen-seat airplane. In the early 1990s, Air Maldives 
flew between Hulele and Gan three days a week, and between 
Hulele and Kadu twice a week. A twenty-seat seaplane operated 
by Inter Atoll Air also flew scheduled and chartered flights 
between Hulele and many of the resorts. In addition, Hum- 
mingbird Helicopters (Maldives) and Seagull Airways each 



277 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



operated four helicopters for interisland flights. Another firm, 
Maldives Air Services, coordinated all air services on the 
ground. 

Maldives has an active merchant shipping fleet used for 
import and export purposes, including ten cargo vessels, one 
container ship, and one oil tanker. The government-owned 
Maldives National Ship Management, Limited, is the largest of 
several Maldivian shipping firms. 

Male, the only port that can handle international traffic, has 
been improved by the First Male Port Development Project 
completed in late 1992. The Second Male Port Development 
Project, partly financed by a loan from the Asian Development 
Bank, began in late 1993 and is scheduled for completion in 
1996. 

The fishing dhoni is the traditional all-purpose vessel in 
Maldives. Although dhonis have sails, most are also engine-pow- 
ered. Dhonis are used mainly within the sheltered waters of 
each atoll. Travel through the open sea from one atoll to 
another is usually by vedis, larger, square-shaped wooden cargo 
boats. 

The primary form of road traffic in Maldives is the bicycle. 
Motorcycles are the most common form of motor vehicle, of 
which 4,126 were registered in 1992. Passenger cars on Male 
are primarily status symbols for the Maldivian elite; however, 
the larger inhabited islands and resort islands have limited taxi 
services for transporting people to and from wharves and air- 
fields. In 1992 there were 691 registered passenger cars, and 
379 trucks and tractors. 

Modern communications are minimal in Maldives. Most 
people use citizen-band radios on the islands and in boats (see 
Media, this ch.). Telephone service between Male and the 
islands is limited. However, most of the resort islands can be 
contacted directly by telephone, and administrative atoll 
offices are linked both to Male and to each other by radio-tele- 
phone. Modernization efforts of the government have resulted 
in a steady increase in the number of telephones. The 1984 
number of 1,060 telephones increased in 1992 to 8,523. There 
is good international telephone service through a satellite 
ground station in Male. 

Trade 

Based on IMF reports, Maldives's trade deficit increased to 
US$110.5 million in 1992 from US$82.6 million in 1991. The 



278 



Maldives 



current account deficit also increased to US$33.2 million in 
1992 from US$9.0 million in 1991. Principal food commodities 
imported were rice, wheat flour, and sugar. The main imported 
manufactured goods were petroleum products and various 
consumer goods. Imports in 1991 came primarily from India, 
Sri Lanka, Singapore, and Britain in that order. 

Principal exports consisted of frozen, dried, and salted skip- 
jack tuna; canned fish; dried sharkfins; and fish meal. Maldives 
also exported apparel and clothing accessories from its small 
manufacturing sector. Exports were destined mainly to Britain, 
the United States, and Sri Lanka in descending order. 

Economic Aid 

Before the 1980s, Maldives received limited assistance from 
certain UN specialized agencies. Much of the external help 
came from Arab oil-producing states, notably Saudi Arabia, 
Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates, for use on an ad hoc 
basis rather than as part of comprehensive development plan- 
ning. With local impetus in the 1980s from the developmental 
commitment of the Gayoom presidency to raise the standard of 
living in the outer islands, Maldives received an annual average 
of US$15.5 million in external assistance in the form of grants 
and loans. For example, in 1988 bilateral donors accounted for 
approximately 73 percent of disbursements; the UN, 20 per- 
cent; other multilateral sources, 5 percent; and nongovern- 
mental organizations, about 2 percent. 

Foreign aid in 1992 was approximately US$11.6 million and 
came from international agencies such as the World Bank and 
the Asian Development Bank and individual countries, particu- 
larly Japan — in 1991 Japan was Maldives's largest aid donor. 
Other than humanitarian aid, loans and grants went for such 
purposes as education, health, transportation, fisheries, and 
harbor development. As a result of the severe damage caused 
by the 1991 monsoon, Maldives received relief aid from India, 
Pakistan, the United States, and a number of other countries. 

Government and Politics 
Constitution 

Government organization is based on the 1968 constitution, 
as revised in 1970, 1972, and 1975. The document provides the 
basis for a highly centralized, presidential form of government. 
Its philosophical frame of reference is derived from Islam; thus 



279 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

the distinction between secular and religious authority is often 
academic. The constitution vests final authority for the propa- 
gation of Islam in the president, who in turn is empowered to 
appoint all judges who interpret and apply the sharia in the 
adjudication of civil and criminal cases. In Maldives, therefore, 
the courts are not independent of the executive branch, but 
rather are under the minister of justice, who is appointed by 
the president. 

Constitutional provisions regarding the basic rights of the 
people are broadly phrased. They refer to freedom of speech 
and assembly, equality before the law, and the right to own 
property, but these rights are to be exercised within the frame- 
work of the sharia. In 1990 younger members of the recently 
expanded president's Consultative Council called for the 
repeal or amendment of Article 38 in the penal code, which 
allows the jailing or banishment "for any gesture, speech or 
action that instills malice or disobedience in the minds of 
Maldivians against lawfully formed government." 

The president is elected for a renewable five-year term by 
the Majlis, or legislature. The election must be formalized 
through confirmation in a popular referendum. The chief 
executive is assisted by a cabinet, or Council of Ministers, 
whose members serve at his pleasure. The post of prime minis- 
ter, which had existed under the sultan and in the early years of 
the republic, was eliminated in 1975 by President Ibrahim 
Nasir because of abuses of the office. Cabinet ministers need 
not be members of the Majlis. The legislature is unicameral, 
with members elected for five-year terms by citizens aged 
twenty-one and above, or appointed by the president. Eight of 
its forty-eight members are appointed by the president, and the 
rest are chosen popularly, two from Male and two from each of 
the nineteen administrative atolls. 

Politics 

The presidential and Majlis elections are held on a nonpar- 
tisan basis because there are no organized political parties in 
the country. Candidates run as independents on the basis of 
personal qualifications. 

Although in 1994 Maldives had no organized political com- 
petition in the Western sense, partisan conflict occurred 
behind the scenes. Battles were intensely fought on the basis of 
factional or personal alliances among elite circles. For more 
than twenty years, until late 1978, the dominant faction had 



280 



Maldives 



been led by former President Nasir, who ran the government 
with a firm hand and who seldom appeared in public. His sud- 
den departure from Maldives, subsequently revealed as con- 
nected with malfeasance, ended a political era. 

Transition was smooth under the new leadership group pre- 
sided over by Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, a former cabinet 
member and diplomat who took office on November 11, 1978, 
after a peaceful election. The new president pledged to admin- 
ister the country in a fair and more open manner by restoring 
civil rights, by establishing rapport at the grass-roots level, and 
by remedying the long neglect of popular welfare in the outer 
islands. However, criticism of alleged nepotism and corruption 
has continued through the 1980s and early 1990s. 

Gayoom's presidential cabinet, including his relatives in key 
positions, is considered a "kitchen cabinet" of traditional power 
holders that exert a strong influence against democratic 
reforms on a weak but relatively popular president. Events in 
the spring of 1990 tended to confirm that Gayoom's 
announced support for democratic reform was not being hon- 
ored throughout the governmental power structure. In April, 
three pro-reform members of the Majlis received anonymous 
death threats. A few months later, all publications not sanc- 
tioned by the government were banned, and some leading writ- 
ers and publishers were arrested. These actions followed the 
emergence of several politically outspoken magazines, includ- 
ing Sangu (Conch Shell). The circulation of this magazine 
increased from 500 in February 1990 to 3,000 in April. 

Gayoom reshuffled the cabinet in May 1990, dismissing his 
brother-in-law, Ilyas Ibrahim, as minister of state for defense 
and national security. Ibrahim had left the country suddenly, 
apparently before being called to account for embezzlement 
and misappropriation of funds. Gayoom placed him under 
house arrest when he returned in August 1990. He was cleared 
by an investigatory commission in March 1991 and appointed 
minister of atolls' administration. In April 1991, President 
Gayoom established a board to investigate charges of malfea- 
sance against government officials. As a result of Gayoom's 
increasing assertion of his power in the early 1990s, by 1992 he 
had assumed the duties of both minister of defense and minis- 
ter of finance, posts he still held in August 1994 as well as that 
of governor of the Maldives Monetary Authority. Gayoom was 
reelected to a fourth five-year term as president in national 
elections in 1993. His principal rival, Ilyas Ibrahim, was sen- 



281 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

tenced to fifteen years' banishment after being found guilty of 
"treason" because of his attempts to win the presidency. 

Foreign Relations 

Maldives has traditionally sought to maintain a status inde- 
pendent of the great powers while simultaneously preserving 
cordial relations with all members of the world community. 
The purposes of this stance are to receive additional aid and to 
keep the Indian Ocean area at peace. An instance of Maldives' 
nonalignment was its refusal of a Soviet offer of US$1 million 
in October 1977 as rental for the former British air base on 
Gan, which Britain evacuated in 1976. Historically, Maldives 
has had close relations with Britain, its former colonial power, 
and has been a full member of the British Commonwealth 
since 1985. 

Maldives participates in a variety of international organiza- 
tions. It joined the UN in 1965 and the World Bank and the 
IMF in 1978. In connection with its concern over the security of 
the Indian Ocean area, Maldives became a founder of the 
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC — 
see Glossary) in 1985. It has been a member of the Colombo 
Plan designed to promote economic and social development in 
Asia and the Pacific since 1963. In 1990 the fifth SAARC annual 
conference was held in Male. Maldives is also a member of the 
Asian Development Bank. 

Although a Muslim nation, Maldives has remained apart 
from most of the problems associated with the Islamist (also 
seen as fundamentalist) movement in the Middle East. 
Maldives falls within India's sphere of influence and in 1976 
signed an agreement demarcating the maritime boundary 
between the two countries. It has also received military assis- 
tance from India, such as the sending of 1,600 military person- 
nel in 1988 at President Gayoom's request to repel a group of 
invading mercenaries. 

Media 

The major daily newspaper in Maldives is Haveeru (North 
Side) in Male with a circulation of 2,500. Aafathis, another daily 
in Dhivehi and English, has a circulation of 300. Maldives also 
has a number of weekly and monthly publications as well as sev- 
eral news agencies and publishers. 

Censorship exists in Maldives although on a smaller scale 
than before President Gayoom took office in 1978. Neverthe- 



282 



Maldives 



less, open dissent against the government is not tolerated. For 
example, in early 1990 the Consultative Council discussed free- 
dom of speech in the press. But when publications critical of 
the government appeared in the spring of 1990, all publica- 
tions that lacked government sanction were banned. Also, lead- 
ing writers and publishers have been arrested. 

Hindi-language films, newspapers, and magazines from 
India are popular. For eleven hours each day, the government 
radio station Voice of Maldives, established in 1962, broadcasts 
to the entire country in Dhivehi and English. Maldivians in 
1992 had 28,284 radio receivers to pick up such broadcasts. In 
1978 government-run Television Maldives was established. Dur- 
ing the week, its one channel broadcasts for five hours a day, 
with an extended weekend service. However, it can only be 
received (by the 6,591 Maldivians with television sets in 1992) 
within a thirty-kilometer radius of Male. Maldives also receives 
broadcasts by the British Broadcasting Corporation, Radio Aus- 
tralia, and Radio Beijing. 

Given the censorship that exists, the media play only a lim- 
ited role in promoting greater democracy. A major question 
facing Maldives is the way in which democracy will be defined 
in view of the contrast between a South Asian kinship system 
and its egalitarian Western-style parliamentary elections. 

* * * 

The best recent work that provides a wealth of information 
on Maldives' physical environment is the relevant section of 
Maldives and Islands of the East Indian Ocean, A Travel Survival 
Kit, by Robert Willox. Additional insight into contemporary 
travel and ways of life in the outer islands is provided by Thor 
Heyerdahl in The Maldive Mystery. 

Maldives's history is outlined according to official govern- 
mental views in Maldives: A Historical Overview. More candid 
descriptions are provided by both the above-mentioned work 
by Heyerdahl and Clarence Maloney's People of the Maldive 
Islands. Maloney's work is also an excellent source for informa- 
tion on modern Maldivian society, based as it is on the field- 
work of an anthropologist. Additional sources of information 
on Maldivian society include the United Nations Educational, 
Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) report Status 
of Women: Maldives, and the official Maldives publication 
Maldives: Social Development. A wealth of contemporary data on 
all aspects of Maldives's social development can be found in 



283 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

"Maldives: Physical and Social Geography," in The Far East and 
Australasia, 1993. 

The best source for a concise, yet scholarly description of 
the history and contemporary position of Islam in Maldives 
may be found in volume six of The Encyclopedia of Islam. Both 
the history and current situation of education in Maldives are 
detailed in the UNESCO report, Innovation in Primary School 
Construction, by M. Luthfi and H. Zubair. The recent series of 
reports on health conditions and care in Maldives by the World 
Health Organization, such as the 1989 Twenty-Four Monthly 
Report on Technical Aspects of Programme Implementation, is an 
excellent source for the study of health. 

The Maldivian economy is outlined in the official Maldives: 
An Economic Brief and Maldives: Year Book 1988. Additional rele- 
vant data are contained in the World Factbook, 1994, and the 
Europa The Far East and Australasia, 1994. Useful periodicals 
include the Indian Ocean Newsletter, Keesing's Contemporary 
Archives, and Africa Research Bulletin. (For further information 
and complete citations, see Bibliography) . 



284 



Chapter 6. Strategic Considerations 



Anchor, symbolizing naval power in the Indian Ocean 



HISTORICALLY, the western Indian Ocean has played a vital 
role in international politics. In ancient times, maritime com- 
merce attracted numerous nations to the region, including 
Ceylon (Sri Lanka), China, Egypt, India, Indonesia, and Persia 
(Iran). During the period of European colonial empires, Por- 
tugal, the Netherlands, Britain, and France sought to safeguard 
their respective strategic and commercial interests by protect- 
ing the lines of communication and providing external defense 
and internal security to Madagascar, Mauritius, Comoros, Sey- 
chelles, and Maldives. After 1945 Cold War considerations pro- 
voked competition between the United States and the former 
Soviet Union for access to strategically important air and naval 
bases in the western Indian Ocean and for the loyalties of the 
area's indigenous governments. Britain and France also main- 
tained a military and political presence in the region through- 
out much of the Cold War. Moscow ended its military presence 
in the western Indian Ocean after communism collapsed in the 
Soviet Union, but the United States has continued its interest 
in the region. The post-Cold War era also has provided tradi- 
tional powers such as France and emerging regional states such 
as India, South Africa, and Australia with an opportunity to 
increase their activities in the western Indian Ocean. 

Madagascar, Mauritius, Comoros, Seychelles, and Maldives 
have also pursued their own national security objectives in the 
region. Apart from providing internal stability, indigenous 
security forces have sought to protect the exclusive economic 
zones (EEZs — see Glossary) claimed by all five countries and to 
prevent the use of the western Indian Ocean as a transship- 
ment point for illegal drugs. 

Historical Interest 

The Indian Ocean has a long maritime history. Since 
approximately 2500 B.C., traders, adventurers, and explorers 
from Ceylon, China, Egypt, India, Indonesia, and Persia con- 
ducted oceangoing commerce and at times maintained mari- 
time empires in the Indian Ocean. Additionally, many peoples 
who lived in the Red Sea and Persian Gulf regions relied on the 
Indian Ocean for their livelihoods. In the mid-1 800s, the most 
notable local power was Oman. The sultan of Oman moved his 



287 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

capital from Muscat to Zanzibar in 1841 and established a trad- 
ing empire along the East African coast based largely on ivory 
and slaves. In the wake of these activities, Asians began to 
migrate into the western Indian Ocean. As early as 500 B.C., 
however, Dravidians and Sinhalese from India and Ceylon had 
settled in the Maldive Islands. By A.D. 1000, Malayo-Indone- 
sians had established communities in Madagascar. 

The emergence of the great European maritime empires 
marked a historical watershed in the Indian Ocean. In the six- 
teenth century, the Portuguese, Dutch, French, and British 
quickly gained control over much of the region, using sophisti- 
cated ships and maritime strategies and exploiting local rival- 
ries to gain allies and territory. These activities signaled the 
beginning of the use of the Indian Ocean as a theater where 
European maritime nations competed for power and influ- 
ence. This rivalry spawned many extraregional wars and alli- 
ances, many of which caused instability in the region's islands. 

One of the most important personalities during the early 
European period was Alfonso d' Albuquerque, governor of Por- 
tugal's Indian Ocean possessions from 1508 to 1515. Rather 
than devoting his energies to territorial conquest, he used 
naval power to control trade routes. D'Albuquerque estab- 
lished a network of bases in the Indian Ocean; constructed 
forts at the entrances to the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, and the 
Strait of Malacca; and concluded alliances with economically 
powerful rulers on the African and Asian coasts. These tactics 
enabled Portugal to dominate commercial activity in the 
Indian Ocean from 1511 to 1641. 

From the seventeenth century until the opening of the Suez 
Canal in 1869, Europe and North America relied on the west- 
ern Indian Ocean and its islands for transporting Eastern 
goods and spices. As this shorter route quickly supplanted the 
longer Cape of Good Hope route and steam gradually replaced 
sail, the region's strategic importance diminished. The islands 
of Madagascar, Mauritius, Comoros, Seychelles, and, to a lesser 
extent, Maldives, all of which had been important way stations 
for international shipping, became remote colonial outposts. 

The Suez Canal enabled Britain to consolidate its hegemony 
over the Indian Ocean, but it also opened the way for other 
European nations into the area. The stronger European pow- 
ers not only challenged British mastery over the Indian Ocean 
but also began a scramble for colonies. The French established 
a presence in the Horn of Africa and Madagascar, both of 

9RS 



Strategic Considerations 



which protected the route to their Southeast Asia empire. The 
Italians, Germans, and Portuguese planted colonies along the 
East African coast. Russia viewed the Suez Canal as a means of 
creating a network of warm water ports, but Japan's 1904 vic- 
tory over the Russian fleet ended this dream. Over the next sev- 
eral years, Japan and the United States posed a growing naval 
challenge to Britain's dominance in the Indian Ocean. Never- 
theless, British seapower remained preeminent throughout the 
region. 

During World War I, the Indian Ocean aroused interna- 
tional interest as the British and the Germans battled one 
another for control of various colonies. These nations also 
sought to protect shipping routes from the Persian Gulf and 
India, via the Suez Canal, to Europe. Despite the area's impor- 
tance, Madagascar, Mauritius, Comoros, Seychelles, and 
Maldives managed to escape the ravages of World War I. 

The western Indian Ocean, especially Madagascar, played a 
more significant role in World War II. On May 5, 1942, the Brit- 
ish defeated pro-Vichy French troops and then occupied Diego 
Suarez. This action denied an important naval base to Japan, 
which undoubtedly would have used the facility to threaten 
British maritime communications along East Africa with the 
Middle East. After occupying Majunga, Tamatave, and Tanan- 
arive (now Antananarivo), the British established a military 
administration over Madagascar that functioned until mid- 
1943. Apart from these activities, German submarines harassed 
Allied shipping throughout the western Indian Ocean. 

The most notable wartime event in the region occurred at 
the 1942 Battle of the Java Sea. The Japanese destroyed the 
British Royal Navy elements that participated, marking the end 
of British hegemony over the Indian Ocean. Nonetheless, in 
the absence of a strong contending naval power, Britain 
retained nominal control of sizable portions of the Indian 
Ocean, even though it lacked the ability and resources to reas- 
sert its former maritime dominance. France confined its activi- 
ties mainly to the western Indian Ocean. Politically, World War 
II weakened British and French holds over their respective 
colonial empires. The rising tide of nationalism that swept 
through Africa and Asia accelerated demands for indepen- 
dence on the part of all the western Indian Ocean islands. 

During the postwar period, several factors affected the stra- 
tegic importance of the Indian Ocean. The onset of the Cold 
War increased superpower activity throughout the region. By 



289 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

1964 the United States had developed ballistic missile subma- 
rines that could hit industrial targets in the Soviet Union from 
the Arabian Sea. Moscow perceived this as a prelude to a simi- 
lar buildup in the Indian Ocean. This perception was com- 
pounded by Washington's announcement that it intended to 
deploy some ballistic missile submarines to the Pacific Ocean 
and to build a very low frequency communications station — 
designed for submarine contact — in western Australia. 

As British power in the region weakened, London and 
Washington sought ways to uphold the interests of both 
nations. In 1965 the British government told a Mauritian dele- 
gation that the island's independence was contingent on the 
sale of the Chagos Archipelago and the transfer of sovereignty 
to Britain. On November 8, 1965, the British government cre- 
ated the Crown Colony (see Glossary) of the British Indian 
Ocean Territory (BIOT). The BIOT consisted of the Chagos 
Archipelago, earlier administered from the British Crown Col- 
ony of Mauritius; and the Aldabra Islands, the Farquhar 
Islands, and lie Desroches, previously administered from the 
British Crown Colony of Seychelles. In 1966 Britain leased the 
approximately eighteen-square-kilometer island of Diego Gar- 
cia in the Chagos Archipelago to the United States for a fifty- 
year period until the year 2016, with a twenty-year extension 
available if neither London nor Washington opposed continua- 
tion. For political and security reasons, the British government 
resettled the indigenous population of 1,200 who lived on 
Diego Garcia in Mauritius and Seychelles, giving them US$8 
million in compensation. The controversy surrounding these 
actions never has disappeared; even in 1994, the Mauritian gov- 
ernment periodically attempted to reassert its sovereignty over 
the Chagos Archipelago, especially Diego Garcia. 

The closure of the Suez Canal during the June 1967 Arab- 
Israeli War increased the importance of Madagascar, Comoros, 
Seychelles, and, to a lesser extent, Mauritius. Shippers had to 
transport their goods around the Cape of Good Hope, and 
each of these islands had the potential to command the Cape 
route. The islands retained their significance after the canal 
reopened in 1975 because many of the supertankers built to 
carry petroleum over the longer route were now too large to 
pass through the canal. 

In early 1968, the strategic situation in the Indian Ocean 
changed again when the British government announced its 
intention to withdraw all its military forces from east of the 



290 




Figure 9. Comoros, Madagascar, Maldives, Mauritius, and Seychelles: S 
Airports and Ports, 1 994 



292 



\ INDIA 



an 



\ 



Male 



Indian 



MALDIVES 

\ 

\ 

\ 



\ 



Ocean 



GAN y 



5 . \ 

1IGUES i 

s / 



CHAGOS 
British ARCHIPELAGO 

Indian Ocean 

Territory 

mK \ -DIEGO 
<u.rv.; GARCIA 



A 





International boundary 




Administrative line 
Undefined boundary 


® 


Approximate maritime 
boundary 

National capital 


• 


Populated place 




Airport 




Port 


250 


500 Kilometers 





250 500 Miles 



trategic 



Strategic Considerations 



Suez Canal by 1971. Two months after this declaration, the 
Soviet Union deployed four warships to the Indian Ocean, and 
arranged for them to call at ports on the Indian subcontinent, 
the Persian Gulf, and the East Africa coast. After 1969 Soviet 
naval units regularly visited the region. Throughout the 1970s, 
Moscow also succeeded in gaining access to several countries, 
such as Madagascar and Seychelles, and increasing the number 
of Soviet intelligence, research, and fishing vessels operating in 
the Indian Ocean. As a result, the number of Soviet naval craft 
in the area often exceeded those of the United States. 

The British pullback from east of Suez also led to an 
increased United States military presence in the Indian Ocean. 
In 1972 a new agreement allowed the United States to build a 
naval communications facility on Diego Garcia for British and 
United States use. Also, in 1972 the United States naval ele- 
ment, Commander in Chief Pacific (CINCPAC), extended its 
operational area to cover most of the Indian Ocean. In 1976 
the United States transformed Diego Garcia into a naval sup- 
port facility with deep-water docks and an expanded runway 
(see fig. 9). 

For the next several decades, the United States and the 
Soviet Union competed with one another for strategic superi- 
ority in the Indian Ocean. After the Soviet invasion of Afghani- 
stan in December 1979, President Jimmy Carter announced his 
intention to use military force to prevent any foreign power 
(i.e., the Soviet Union) from controlling the Persian Gulf 
region. The United States enhanced its ability to respond 
quickly to any military contingency by increasing its military 
presence in the Indian Ocean. After the downfall of Iran's 
imperial government in 1979, the United States deployed a sec- 
ond carrier task force to the area to join the one already on sta- 
tion. Additionally, the United States government concluded a 
series of military access agreements with Egypt, Kenya, Oman, 
and Somalia, and arranged to conduct joint military exercises 
with these countries. On March 1, 1980, President Carter also 
authorized the creation of the Rapid Deployment Joint Task 
Force, later reorganized as the United States Central Com- 
mand (USCENTCOM) , whose area of responsibility includes 
Afghanistan, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Iraq, Jor- 
dan, Kenya, Kuwait, Oman, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, 
Somalia, Sudan, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. 

During the 1980s, the Indian Ocean continued to provoke 
competition between Washington and Moscow. The United 



293 




292 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

States increased its presence on Diego Garcia by building new 
airfield facilities and an air force satellite detection and track- 
ing station, initiating Strategic Air Command (SAC) opera- 
tions, improving navigational aids, and increasing anchorages 
and moorings for pre-positioned warehouse ships stationed 
permanently at the island. 

From Moscow's perspective, its Soviet Indian Ocean Squad- 
ron performed a defensive mission against the United States, 
and promoted Soviet foreign policy in the region. Apart from 
access to naval facilities in Seychelles, Mauritius, and Reunion, 
the Soviet Union also conducted long-range maritime surveil- 
lance flights over much of the Indian Ocean. Despite this activ- 
ity, Moscow avoided a military confrontation with Washington 
in the Indian Ocean, largely because it lacked modern, high- 
performance aircraft carriers and the ability to defend long sea 
and air lines of communication to and from the region. 

France also remained active in the Indian Ocean during the 
Cold War years. Until 1973, the headquarters of the French 
forces was in Madagascar. After Antananarivo severed military 
relations with Paris, French forces operated from Reunion, 
Comoros, and Djibouti. Throughout much of the 1980s and 
the early 1990s, France maintained the second largest naval 
fleet in the Indian Ocean. In addition, France maintains 5,000 
troops and a small number of fighter aircraft in Djibouti. 

Madagascar 

Security Concerns 

Madagascar faces no external threat. During the 1980s, 
however, Madagascar experienced periods of tension with 
South Africa. Although it had the capabilities to launch an air 
or amphibious attack, South Africa never threatened Madagas- 
car, largely because it feared international condemnation. 
Relations between the two countries gradually improved after 
Frederik Willem de Klerk became South Africa's president in 
1989. 

Since independence, several internal threats against the 
Malagasy government have emerged. This domestic instability 
reflects the growing restiveness of opposition elements and 
popular frustration with the government's inability to resolve 
the political, economic, and social problems confronting the 
island. Also, the Malagasy armed forces repeatedly have acted 
against the government for failing to preserve law and order. 



294 



Strategic Considerations 



The first serious challenge to the government occurred on 
April 1-2, 1971, when more than 1,000 armed members of the 
left-wing National Movement for the Independence of Mada- 
gascar (Mouvement National pour l'lndependance de Mada- 
gascar — Monima) attacked five military posts in Tulear 
Province. Government forces quickly restored order and 
imprisoned Monima's leader, Monja Jaona. According to a gov- 
ernment communique, Monima casualties included forty-five 
killed, nine wounded, and 847 held for questioning; security 
forces suffered one killed and eleven wounded. According to 
Jaona, the revolt was directed against the local administration, 
which had failed to provide disaster relief to the province after 
it had experienced a drought, followed by floods caused by 
cyclones. Also at issue were government pressures for tax col- 
lection at a time when local cattle herds were being ravaged by 
disease. 

In early 1972, what began as a student protest against 
French cultural domination of the island's schools quickly 
spread to a call for a general strike to protest poor economic 
conditions. Within days antigovernment protests arose both in 
the capital and in the provinces. On May 13, 1972, elements 
from the Republican Security Force (Force Republicaine de 
Securite — FRS) opened fire on a group of rioters in Antanan- 
arivo, killing between fifteen and forty and injuring about 150. 
The government also declared a state of national emergency. 
On May 18, 1972, President Philibert Tsiranana dissolved his 
government and turned over power to the army, under the 
command of General Gabriel Ramanantsoa. The army, which 
had remained neutral throughout the general strike, quickly 
restored order by placing military officers in control of the six 
provinces and establishing a new, multiethnic cabinet. In 
November 1972, after a national referendum, Ramanantsoa 
became the new head of state. 

Continued political and economic instability doomed the 
Ramanantsoa regime. On December 31, 1974, the armed 
forces launched an unsuccessful coup attempt. On February 5, 
1975, Ramanantsoa, hoping to promote political unity, handed 
over the government to the former minister of interior, Colo- 
nel Richard Ratsimandrava. On February 11, 1975, several 
members of the Mobile Police Group (Groupe Mobile de 
Police — GMP) assassinated Ratsimandrava. The government 
responded by declaring martial law, imposing censorship, and 
suspending political parties. Also, General Gilles Andriama- 



295 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

hazo formed the National Military Directorate, consisting of 
nineteen military officers from all branches of service and 
from all over the island. On June 15, 1975, Didier Ratsiraka, 
who had a seat on the National Military Directorate, became 
head of state and president of the new ruling body, the 
Supreme Revolutionary Council. 

The next major internal threat surfaced in the mid-1980s, 
when about 6,000 members of various Chinese martial arts 
Kung-Fu associations battled the Tanora Tonga Saina (TTS), 
which acted as Ratsiraka's private presidential security force. 
Problems started in September 1984, when Ratsiraka banned 
the practice of martial arts. After several clashes between Kung- 
Fu adherents and the TTS, a larger confrontation occurred on 
December 4, 1984, when Kung-Fu groups attacked TTS head- 
quarters in Behorika and killed more than 100 TTS members. 
Kung-Fu demonstrations continued for the next few years. 
Finally, on July 31, 1986, army units supported by twelve 
armored cars and helicopters demolished Kung-Fu headquar- 
ters in Antananarivo, and killed the movement's leader and 
about 200 of his followers. 

Cycles of escalating political unrest and increased govern- 
mental repression led to at least three failed coup attempts in 
1989, 1990, and 1992. Moreover, general strike demonstrations 
organized by a prodemocracy opposition coalition called 
Comite des Forces Vives (Vital Forces Committee, known as 
Forces Vives) occurred in Antananarivo and several other Mal- 
agasy towns. Following the near paralysis of the economy and 
demonstrations at the presidential palace during which gov- 
ernment forces opened fire on civilians, opposition leaders 
announced the formation of a transitional government of 
national unity. Eventually, presidential elections, held between 
November 1992 and February 1993, resulted in a victory for 
Forces Vives leader Albert Zafy over Ratsiraka. 

Armed Forces in National Life 

Madagascar has a rich military history. During the early 
nineteenth century, the Merina kings relied on the army to 
extend their control through most of Madagascar. A small per- 
manent force of career soldiers formed the backbone of the 
royal army. Periodic levies of freepersons augmented these 
core units.Theoretically, military service was obligatory for all 
males, but conscription laws excused sons of members of the 
ruling class and barred slaves from serving in the army. All sol- 



296 



Strategic Considerations 



diers shared in the spoils of war as the Merina expanded and 
consolidated their control over the island. 

During the 1820s, the army's size increased to about 14,000 
professional soldiers. Britain, hoping to counter French influ- 
ence in Madagascar, furnished new weapons, ammunition, uni- 
forms, and technical assistance to the army. The British also 
helped reorganize and train the army. 

Increasing French interest in Madagascar prompted numer- 
ous clashes with the island's indigenous forces. Between 1883 
and 1885, France launched several attacks on Madagascar. To 
end hostilities, the Merina recognized French control over 
Diego Suarez, agreed to pay an indemnity, and allowed a 
French resident at Antananarivo to control the country's for- 
eign relations. In 1894 France declared a protectorate over the 
island, but the Malagasy refused to acknowledge French 
authority. After a French expeditionary force occupied the cap- 
ital in September 1895, Queen Ranavalona III recognized the 
protectorate. 

The Menalamba ("red togas," also given as "red cloth" and 
"red shawls" — armed guerrilla bands) revolt broke out between 
1895 and 1899, however, among Merina conservatives against 
the institutions and agents of a repressive state-church society. 
Some observers also have suggested that the revolt was an 
attempt to overthrow the newly established colonial govern- 
ment. France reacted to this unrest by exiling the queen and 
the former prime minister to Algeria and by declaring Mada- 
gascar a French colony. The new French governor, General 
Joseph Gallieni, eventually pacified the country and carried 
out many reforms, including the abolition of slavery. 

During the French period, which lasted from 1896 to 1960, 
the Malagasy could be conscripted into the colonial forces. 
During World War I and World War II, several thousand Mala- 
gasy served in France, North Africa, and other combat zones. 
After 1945 many Malagasy started agitating for independence. 
In March 1947, the Merina, who regarded themselves as Mada- 
gascar's genuine rulers, and some cotiers (literally coastal peo- 
ple, an ethnic group), staged an uprising against the French. 
The island's colonial governor responded by unleashing a 
reign of terror against the rebels. Estimates of the numbers of 
Malagasy who died in the revolt ranged from 11,000 to 80,000 
(relatively few French soldiers died during the fighting) . Not- 
withstanding these losses, France retained its influence in 
Madagascar, even after the island gained its independence. 



297 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

During the postcolonial period, the Malagasy armed forces 
reflected the French heritage. Military personnel continued to 
receive training in France and to use French-manufactured 
weapons. Moreover, with the exception of a brief period in the 
late 1970s, French military advisers continued to serve in 
Madagascar. 

The Military and the Government 

After he came to power in 1975, Ratsiraka promised to cre- 
ate a "socialist revolution." As part of this policy, Ratsiraka 
enlarged and reorganized the security forces to make them 
appropriate for a "people's army" in a "socialist revolutionary" 
state. In 1975 he renamed the National Army the People's 
Armed Forces (Forces Armees Populaires — FAP) and 
expanded its mission. Henceforth, the FAP engaged in civic- 
action programs and spread ideological education in the coun- 
tryside. Between 1975 and 1980, the FAP doubled in size. 

This reorganization diluted the power of the former 
National Army, which owed little loyalty to Ratsiraka. To pre- 
vent the FAP from challenging his authority, Ratsiraka started 
transferring able and experienced officers from troop com- 
mand responsibilities to more senior, but less powerful, posi- 
tions. Invariably, the new posts were in the inspector general's 
section of the Office of the President and in various Ministry of 
Defense committees that studied how the FAP could best facili- 
tate national development. 

Despite these changes, the FAP contributed little to the 
country's "socialist revolution" although it remained a poten- 
tially important political player. Nevertheless, Ratsiraka, relying 
on manipulation and intimidation, retained almost absolute 
control of the armed forces until the growth of the pro- 
democracy movement in the early 1990s. Prodemocracy and 
antidemocracy factions emerged in the FAP and many other 
government security services. Clashes among these factions 
added to the political turmoil sweeping through Madagascar, 
eventually dooming the Ratsiraka regime. 

After the FAP was formed in 1975, the cost of maintaining 
the military establishment became a greater burden on the 
national budget. The FAP itself annually assessed the military's 
needs, in conjunction with the Ministry of Defense, which then 
sent budget recommendations to Ratsiraka. After the Cold War 
ended and foreign military assistance declined, the Malagasy 
defense budget also decreased from more than US$101 million 



298 



People's Armed Forces troops 
of Madagascar 
Courtesy 
Thomas P Ofcansky 




in 1979 to about US$36 million in 1991 (see table 8, Appen- 
dix). 

Forces Armees Populaires 

In 1994 the FAP numbered about 21,000. Madagascar's pres- 
ident is commander in chief of the FAP. There is no reserve 
force. Males aged eighteen to fifty are subject to conscription 
for eighteen months of military or civil service. The majority of 
conscripts belong to the relatively poor cotiers because excep- 
tions to the conscription law allow influential or prosperous 
persons to avoid military service. The officer corps remains a 
promising career for most Malagasy. The FAP is divided into 
two operational services, the army and the aeronaval forces. 
The former is responsible for land operations and ground- 
based air defense; however, its primary role has been to defend 
state institutions and the president from armed opposition. 
The latter conducts air, naval, and amphibious operations. 

The 20,000-member army, which is deployed as a coastal 
and internal security force, consisted in 1994 of two battalions 
and one engineer regiment. Because Madagascar lacks an 
indigenous arms production industry, the army imports all its 
equipment. The army weapons system includes Soviet PT-76 
light tanks, various reconnaissance vehicles, and United States 



299 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

M-3A1 half-track armored personnel carriers (see table 9, 
Appendix). The army also has air defense guns, artillery 
pieces, mortars, and rocket launchers. 

The mission of the aeronaval forces' 500-member air com- 
ponent includes combat, transport, and maritime patrol duties. 
The air force maintains its headquarters at Ivato, near 
Antananarivo, and operates from bases at Antalaha, Antsohihy, 
Arivoniamamo, Diego Suarez, Fianarantsoa, Fort Dauphin, 
Majunga, Nosy-Be, Tamatave, and Tulear. The air force consists 
of one fighter squadron, a transport squadron, and a helicop- 
ter squadron. In addition, the air force has liaison aircraft and 
trainer aircraft. 

The 500-member Malagasy navy includes 100 marines and 
lacks a seagoing capability. It performs a coastal patrol mission 
from bases at Diego Suarez, Tamatave, Fort Dauphin, Tulear, 
and Majunga. The naval inventory consists of one patrol boat 
and three amphibious craft. 

State Security Services 

Madagascar has five state security services in addition to the 
FAP: the National Gendarmerie, the FRS, the Civil Police, the 
Civil Service, and the Antigang Brigade. With the exception of 
the National Gendarmerie, all these units are outside the FAP 
chain of command. 

A 7,500-member National Gendarmerie operates within the 
Ministry of Defense. This organization maintains public order, 
preserves security at the village level, protects government facil- 
ities, pursues criminals, and prevents cattle rustling. National 
Gendarmerie units are stationed throughout the island. The 
organization's equipment inventory includes automatic weap- 
ons, armored cars, and aircraft. The National Gendarmerie 
also operates a maritime police contingent with five patrol 
craft. 

Shortly after becoming president, Tsiranana created the 
700-member FRS to safeguard his personal security and to act 
as an antiriot unit. By 1972 the FRS, which eventually became 
the GMP, included about 1,000 personnel. In late 1981, Ratsir- 
aka established and commanded a similar organization called 
the Presidential Security Regiment (Regiment de Securite 
Presidentielle — Reser) , or simply the Presidential Guard. Ini- 
tially, North Korean instructors trained this 1,200-member 
unit, whose personnel belonged to Ratsiraka's Betsimisaraka 
ethnic group. The Presidential Guard has a bunker at Iavoloha 



300 



Strategic Considerations 



near Antananarivo; the guard includes the Mahajamba Regi- 
ment, which specializes in riot control. In the late 1980s, the 
French assumed responsibility for training the Presidential 
Guard. 

A 3,000-member Civil Police force is attached to the Minis- 
try of Interior. Most Civil Police personnel serve in the island's 
cities. The head of each prefecture commands at least a small 
contingent. Like the National Gendarmerie, the Civil Police 
often overreact during times of civil strife, thus earning the 
enmity of protesters. Since the late 1980s, however, both orga- 
nizations have attempted to improve their image. 

The Civil Service is a paramilitary force that serves as a 
reserve element of the defense forces. Its operations are non- 
military in nature and often involve working in rural and social 
development programs. Potential draftees serve in the Civil 
Service as an alternative to regular military duty. 

During his early days as president, Ratsiraka created a 300- 
member intelligence and political investigation unit known as 
the General Directorate of Information and Documentation, 
Internal and External (Direction Generate de l'lnformation et 
de la Documentation, Interieure et Exterieure — DGIDIE). 
This organization, whose personnel were trained originally by 
German Democratic Republic (GDR — East Germany) and 
then by French advisers, has unlimited arrest and detention 
powers. To perform its duties, the DGIDIE relies on a vast net- 
work of informers to ferret out dissenters, currency violators, 
and potential political opponents of the president. Over the 
years, the DGIDIE has been accused of violating human rights, 
engaging in corrupt practices, and imprisoning foreign nation- 
als accused of spying. 

In February 1989, the French helped Madagascar establish 
an Antigang Brigade. This unit, which reports to the Ministry 
of Interior, is responsible for combatting hijackers, terrorists, 
and dangerous criminals. French security advisers train the bri- 
gade. 

Training and Morale 

Prior to independence, the French conducted all military 
training. In 1966 the Malagasy government, with French assis- 
tance, established the Military Academy (Academie Militaire) 
at Antsirabe. This school trains officers for the armed forces, 
the National Gendarmerie, and the Civil Service. In 1967 the 
first students enrolled in a three-year program that included 



301 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

courses in military and civic affairs. Students specialize in arts 
or sciences. A few foreign officers, usually from francophone 
African countries, also study at the Military Academy. 

The May 1972 student strikes affected the Military Academy, 
which temporarily suspended examinations after students com- 
plained about the curriculum. Over the next several weeks, 
academy officials agreed to consider modernizing course mate- 
rial, examinations, entry requirements, and general educa- 
tional policies. 

In addition to training officers at the Military Academy, the 
Malagasy government annually selects a small number of offi- 
cer candidates to attend the French Military Academy at St. 
Cyr. Also, until military relations were severed in the mid- 
1970s, Malagasy and French units participated in joint annual 
exercises. 

During the Cold War, hundreds, if not thousands, of FAP 
personnel received military training from several Soviet-bloc 
countries, including the former Soviet Union, the former 
GDR, Cuba, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea 
(North Korea). Beginning in the mid-1980s, France resumed 
training limited numbers of Malagasy military personnel. The 
United States also started an International Military Education 
and Training (IMET) program that sought to enhance the 
FAP's professional skills and reduce dependence on East Euro- 
pean countries. By the early 1990s, the United States had 
expanded the IMET program to include management and 
technical training with emphasis on construction engineering 
skills and medical courses. 

Historically, morale in the armed forces has been good, if 
for no other reason than that the military provides job security 
in a country plagued by high unemployment. However, many 
cotiers who have been conscripted to serve in the ranks resent 
the lack of opportunity and the Merina domination of the offi- 
cer corps. Also, with the decline of foreign military assistance 
since the end of the Cold War, poor morale has become a prob- 
lem in many FAP units. 

Foreign Military Assistance 

Since independence, the Malagasy armed forces have relied 
on numerous countries for military assistance. Historically, 
France has been the most powerful and most influential of 
Madagascar's military allies, despite the rift between the two 
countries in the 1970s. Other nations that have provided mili- 



302 



Strategic Considerations 



tary assistance to Madagascar include the former Soviet Union, 
North Korea, the former Federal Republic of Germany (West 
Germany) , and the United States. 

On June 27, 1960, the day after independence, Paris and 
Antananarivo signed an accord that empowered France to pro- 
tect Madagascar and to establish military bases on the island. 
France also gained freedom of movement in Madagascar's air- 
space and coastal waters. A joint Franco-Malagasy defense com- 
mand — consisting of the island's president, the French 
ambassador, and the commander of France's Third Overseas 
Zone, the southwestern Indian Ocean — managed the security 
relationship between the two countries. France also agreed to 
transfer about 4,500 Malagasy personnel who had been serving 
in the French forces to Madagascar's newly established armed 
forces. 

French officers and French-trained Merina officers domi- 
nated the Malagasy armed forces. Additionally, the presence of 
French officers in Madagascar helped to maintain professional- 
ism and noninvolvement of the military in politics. President 
Tsiranana, with French support, tried to offset Merina domina- 
tion in the officer corps by sending promising cotier military 
personnel to France for training and assigning them to impor- 
tant positions upon their return to Madagascar. 

Apart from these activities, France also equipped the Mala- 
gasy armed forces. During the first five years of independence, 
France provided military aid worth approximately US$5 mil- 
lion annually, which included technical assistance, training, 
and nearly all the arms and equipment for the Malagasy armed 
forces. France also maintained about 2,500 troops at Diego 
Suarez and Antsirabe; by 1972 this number had grown to 
approximately 4,000. A general with the title of senior com- 
mander of French Forces in the southern Indian Ocean was in 
charge of these troops, as well as of French forces on Reunion 
and Comoros. His forces included a marine parachute regi- 
ment, a Foreign Legion regiment, and several internal security 
units. French air units, based primarily at Ivato airfield, had 
helicopters and transport aircraft, and naval units operated 
three destroyer-size vessels, a tanker, a logistical support ship, 
and escort vessels. 

Franco-Malagasy military relations changed radically in the 
early 1970s. Ramanantsoa's government demanded the with- 
drawal of French military forces from Antananarivo and 
announced that it would allow France to have access to the 



303 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Diego Suarez naval base only on a renewable basis. By 1975 the 
French government, which opposed the tenuous nature of this 
proposed new relationship, had withdrawn all its military units 
from Madagascar. 

Beginning in the mid-1980s, Franco-Malagasy relations 
improved. Between 1982 and 1988, for example, 783 Malagasy 
officers enrolled in various military courses in France. In 1989 
France financed the formation of the Antigang Brigade. On 
April 5, 1990, France announced that it had donated eight 
Auverland jeeps fitted with weapons, two ambulances, military 
engineering equipment, accessories for service vehicles, and 
8,290 air force and navy uniforms. France also supplied the 
Malagasy gendarmes with equipment and a variety of other 
technical and material aid. 

The democratization movement again altered the nature of 
the Franco-Malagasy military relationship. On August 15, 1991, 
French president Francois Mitterrand ordered the withdrawal 
of French military advisers who were in charge of the personal 
security of Malagasy president Ratsiraka. This action occurred 
after the Presidential Guard opened fire and killed thirty-one 
demonstrators at a prodemocracy rally. Relations between the 
two countries improved after Zafy was elected president in 
early 1993, and French security technicians provided him with 
an independent communications system. 

Former West Germany was another important source of mil- 
itary assistance in the immediate postindependence era. By 
1964 Bonn had furnished approximately US$1.6 million of mil- 
itary assistance, including thirty jeeps and five coastal patrol 
boats. Additionally, fifty-five Malagasy naval personnel were 
studying at military schools in West Germany. 

During the Ratsiraka era, the FAP gradually abandoned its 
almost total reliance on France for equipment and training, 
and looked to several communist nations for foreign military 
assistance. During the 1975-82 period, the FAP acquired artil- 
lery, small arms, and ammunition from North Korea and the 
People's Republic of China; two landing craft from North 
Korea; three Mi-8 helicopters, twelve MiG-21 jet fighter air- 
craft, and two An-26 transport aircraft from the former Soviet 
Union. North Korea also provided four MiG-17s on long-term 
loan, and about ninety military advisers who furnished crew 
and maintenance support for these aircraft. Approximately 130 
Soviet technicians maintained the MiG-21 s and the An-26s. 
FAP personnel received training from Cuban, Romanian, 



304 



Malagasy armored personnel carrier 
Malagasy armored scout car 
Courtesy Thomas P. Ofcansky 



305 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Soviet, and Chinese instructors. As Ratsiraka's radicalism 
waned, Madagascar distanced itself from these countries. The 
collapse of the Soviet Union signaled the end of Madagascar's 
reliance on the communist world for military assistance. 

Since 1960 the United States and Madagascar have main- 
tained diplomatic relations. Because of Ratsiraka's radicalism 
and Madagascar's relations with the communist world, how- 
ever, the two countries did not establish a military relationship 
until the mid-1980s. In 1984 the United States initiated an 
IMET program (see Training and Morale, this ch.). The follow- 
ing year, one Malagasy officer attended the Naval War College 
and another studied at the Army Command and General Staff 
College; in addition, six mid-level officers enrolled in advanced 
engineering, infantry, field artillery, and communications 
courses. Also, in fiscal year (FY — see Glossary) 1985, the United 
States approved a Military Assistance Program (MAP) for 
Madagascar, which included funds for medical supplies and 
Caterpillar earth-moving and road-building equipment. In July 
1988, the United States provided US$1.2 million worth of mili- 
tary engineering equipment to Madagascar's Department of 
Military Engineering for National Development. Madagascar 
and the United States also cooperated on several military devel- 
opment projects such as construction of roads, schools, and 
health centers for the FAR The FY 1989 MAP provided for 
maintenance support for the Malagasy Air Force's C-47 Dakota 
fleet. In the late 1980s, Washington earmarked US$200,000 for 
a civic-action project designed to build low-cost housing. In 
1987 a "Seabee" battalion deployed to Manjakandriana to give 
a two-month training course to fifty-two men of the Third Regi- 
ment of the Malagasy Army's Development Force. By the early 
1990s, the United States had confined its military aid objectives 
to developing Madagascar's military engineering capability, 
supporting the air force's transport aircraft, and providing 
managerial and technical training to the armed forces. 

Penal System 

The Malagasy penal code is based primarily on French 
penal codes and procedures and has been somewhat influ- 
enced by Malagasy customary law. The Malagasy penal code 
affords the accused most of the rights and protections granted 
under French and Western laws. The most severe punishments 
are death and forced labor for life. 



306 



Strategic Considerations 



Madagascar has three levels of courts. Lower courts are 
responsible for civil and criminal cases carrying limited fines 
and sentences. The Court of Appeals includes a criminal court 
for cases carrying sentences of five years or more. The 
Supreme Court functions as the highest court in the country. A 
separate and autonomous Constitutional High Court (also 
known as the Administrative and Financial Constitutional 
Court) reviews laws, decrees, and ordinances. It monitors elec- 
tions and certifies their results. A military court has jurisdiction 
over all cases that involve national security. 

Madagascar has a nationwide prison system. Both men and 
women sentenced to long terms normally serve their time at 
the Central Prison (Maison Centrale) in Antananarivo. Each 
province has a central prison for inmates serving sentences of 
less than five years. At the seats of various courts, there also are 
at least twenty-five lesser prisons for individuals serving terms 
of less than two years and for prisoners awaiting trial. Courts at 
the local (subprefecture) level maintain jails for lesser offend- 
ers serving sentences of up to six months. 

Conditions in Malagasy prisons are harsh. Cells built for one 
often house up to eight prisoners. Family members of prison- 
ers need to augment the inadequate daily food rations. Prison- 
ers without relatives often go for several days without food. 
Inmates also suffer from numerous medical problems that are 
not usually treated, including malnutrition, infections, malaria, 
and tuberculosis. Children of women prisoners normally live in 
prisons with their mothers. Female inmates sometimes engage 
in prostitution in collusion with guards. 

Human Rights 

By developing country standards, Madagascar has a moder- 
ately good human rights record. However, numerous human 
rights violations, largely committed during the Ratsiraka 
regime, have caused concern among international humanitar- 
ian agencies. In the late 1970s, the government enacted the law 
Information against X for Plotting and Attacking State Secu- 
rity, under which anyone can be arrested without warrant and 
held indefinitely without trial. The law also enables the security 
forces to arrest, search, or seize property. Under the French 
penal code, arrest is limited to forty-eight hours, but in Mada- 
gascar the arrest time is extended to fifteen days and is renew- 
able indefinitely. The authorities do not release information 
about the status of the detainees, who often may be real or sus- 



307 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

pected opponents of the government. Many individuals in cus- 
tody are beaten, tortured, or deprived of medical care. 

In the 1990s, Madagascar's human rights record became 
more controversial. During the prodemocracy unrest of the 
early 1990s, the Malagasy government acted against the opposi- 
tion. In July 1991, for example, government troops abducted 
and briefly detained four Forces Vives leaders who had been 
nominated as provisional government ministers. On August 10, 

1991, the Presidential Guard fired on a crowd of some 300,000 
people marching on the President's Palace to call for Ratsir- 
aka's resignation. At least thirty demonstrators were killed and 
200 wounded. On October 23, 1991, security forces killed at 
least twelve people and wounded about seventy during a pro- 
democracy demonstration in the capital. 

In 1992 government violence continued to claim victims 
throughout the country. On March 31, 1992, the authorities 
killed eight and wounded thirty-one people when hundreds of 
pro-Ratsiraka demonstrators tried to force their way into the 
National Forum's debate on a new constitution. In October 

1992, government troops killed eight people during a clash 
with a pro-Ratsiraka group that was trying to close the Antsir- 
anana airport. 

Madagascar has, however, taken steps to improve its human 
rights record. In December 1990, the government abolished 
press censorship; by mid-1991, the state-owned Malagasy Radio- 
Television allowed opposition figures to appear on a weekly dis- 
cussion program. The DGIDIE director, a former judge 
appointed in mid-1990, worked to prevent abuses against pris- 
oners held in custody. Legal safeguards against arbitrary arrest 
and detention are not always followed, however, especially in 
rural areas. Most Western observers maintain that Madagas- 
car's human rights record will probably improve as a result of 
the country's commitment to democratization and increasing 
civilian control over the military. 

Mauritius 

Security Concerns 

Mauritius faces no external security threat. At least since 
1980, Mauritius has not experienced significant, large-scale 
political violence. Several assassination attempts have been 
made against Prime Minister Anerood Jugnauth, but these 



308 



Strategic Considerations 



actions were by disaffected individuals rather than any antigov- 
ernment group. 

Armed Forces in National Life 

Traditionally, the armed forces have played a minimal role 
in Mauritian national life. In 1859 the British colonial govern- 
ment established the first Mauritian Police Force, with a sepa- 
rate unit for Port Louis. An 1893 ordinance expanded the 
police force, which by 1899 numbered 700 personnel, 300 of 
whom were stationed in Port Louis and the remainder at eight 
other locations. The officer corps included one inspector gen- 
eral and seven inspectors, and the other ranks had twelve sub- 
inspectors. With the exception of about 100 police who carried 
Martini Henry rifles, the police force was unarmed. Europeans, 
Creoles, and Indians served in the police. Initial recruitment 
into the police was for a period of not more than three years. 
The colonial government allowed men of good character to 
reenlist for a further five years. 

Except during 1942, when a Japanese attack seemed immi- 
nent, World War II had little impact on Mauritius although 
Mauritians fought in North Africa and the Middle East. Addi- 
tionally, the Royal Mauritius Regiment, a small part-time home 
defense volunteer unit, deployed to Madagascar to safeguard 
lines of communication. This regiment became involved in a 
mutiny in Madagascar caused by tensions among British, 
Franco-Mauritians, and Creoles in the military. 

After the British garrison withdrew from Mauritius in 1960, 
the authorities created the paramilitary Special Mobile Force 
(SMF), with six officers and 146 enlisted personnel to maintain 
internal security. The separate regular police force was divided 
into special divisions, including criminal investigation, riot con- 
trol, traffic control, immigration and passports, and water 
police. 

On at least two occasions during the last few years before 
independence, the SMF required British assistance to maintain 
internal security. On May 10, 1965, political grievances caused 
armed clashes between the Hindu and Creole communities. 
After the governor declared a state of emergency, a company of 
2d Battalion, Coldstream Guards, flew from Aden to Mauritius 
to help keep the peace. These troops remained on the island 
until July 1965. 

On January 22, 1968, the governor again requested British 
soldiers to help maintain order. The authorities feared that 



309 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

politically motivated violence between the capital's "Istanbul" 
Muslim gang and the rival "Texas" Creole gang in Port Louis 
would spread to the rest of the island. Troops from B Company 
of 1st Battalion, The King's Shropshire Light Infantry, 
deployed to Mauritius from Malaysia, and worked with the 
police and the SMF to restore peace. 

With independence in 1968, almost all internal security 
duties became the responsibility of the Mauritian government. 
Under the terms of a joint defense agreement announced on 
March 11, 1968, however, the British government agreed to 
help Mauritius combat any internal security threat and to train 
local security and police forces. This agreement remained in 
effect until 1975. During the early 1970s, the Mauritian regime 
used the SMF to jail opposition politicians and trade union 
members. By the 1980s, however, such practices had stopped. 

Police Agencies 

Since independence, Mauritius has refrained from estab- 
lishing an army, largely because of the cost of maintaining such 
a force. Instead, the security establishment includes the 
National Police Force, which consists of a regular armed police 
of about 4,000 personnel, the paramilitary 1,300-member SMF, 
and the 240-member Special Support Unit (SSU), all of which 
are responsible for internal security. In 1994 the SMF had six 
rifle elements, two mobile elements, one engineer company, 
and support troops. A Special Constabulary and a small Anti- 
Drug and Smuggling Unit operate under police jurisdiction. 

Mauritius lacks a traditional military budget. Expenditures 
for the various police defense forces in FY 1994 are estimated at 
MauR 207.2 million (for value of the Mauritian rupee — see 
Glossary), or about US$11.3 million. 

The National Police Force reports to a police commissioner, 
who in turn comes under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of 
Internal Security. For all intents and purposes, however, Prime 
Minister Jugnauth commands the police. Equipment used by 
all these organizations includes small arms, rifles, riot-control 
gear such as clubs and shields, and tear gas canisters. The trans- 
portation inventory includes Land Rovers, light scout cars, and 
at least two helicopters. Recruitment is by voluntary enlistment 
from all ethnic communities. Training is usually conducted in 
Mauritius; however, some officers have trained in foreign mili- 
tary academies such as the Royal Military Academy at 



310 



Strategic Considerations 



Sandhurst in Britain. In 1990 the Mauritian government 
approved the construction of a Police Academy at Vacoas. 

In addition, at least two security organizations report to the 
prime minister's office. In 1982 the Mauritian government 
established the National Investigation Unit (NIU), which had 
been known as the State Service, to monitor internal security 
developments and the activities of foreign embassies and cer- 
tain foreign visitors. This organization includes up to 200 full- 
time agents, all of whom are recruited from the regular police 
force, and 3,000 informers scattered throughout the country. 
In 1989, after an unsuccessful attempt on his life, Jugnauth 
ordered the establishment of a 100-member Very Important 
Persons Security Unit. 

Mauritius maintains a small air patrol to undertake mari- 
time surveillance, to perform search and rescue missions, and 
to patrol the country's EEZ. The aircraft inventory includes two 
specially configured Dornier-228s, which were operated by 
Indian crews until the first Mauritians were trained. 

The mission of the 500-member National Coast Guard 
(NCG) is to ensure the safety of Mauritian fishers, prevent 
smuggling, and protect the marine environment. The NCG 
inventory includes two Soviet-built surveillance craft, the CGS 
Rescuer, and the CGS Retriever. Both vessels carry cannons 
with 1,000-meter-plus precise-target air or marine-surface strike 
capability. In March 1993, the NCG purchased a 210-ton 
Indian-built seaward defense boat. This vessel is armed with 
two Bofors 40/60 guns and carries a thirty-two-member crew. 
Acquisition of this boat improved the NCG's coastal surveil- 
lance capability. An Indian naval officercommands the NCG; 
an unknown number of NCG personnel have received training 
from Indian naval instructors. 

On March 25-26, 1994, the Mauritian government 
announced that it had awarded a US$14.6 million contract to 
the Chilean navy's Naval Docks and Yards (Astilleros y Mae- 
stranzas de la Armada) yard for construction of an Offshore 
Patrol Vessel (OPV). The vessel will be armed with a turret- 
mounted, automatic, 40mm cannon on the foredeck and sev- 
eral 12.7mm or smaller-caliber machine guns on flexible 
mountings. The NCG will use the OPV to protect its fisheries 
and EEZ, perform search and rescue, fight fires, contain pollu- 
tion, and serve as a mobile emergency command center. Chile 
will deliver the vessel in March 1996. Mauritius has an option to 
buy a second OPV. 



311 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Foreign Military Assistance 

Historically, Mauritius has received little foreign military 
assistance. In January 1990, the former Soviet Union presented 
Mauritian authorities with two patrol boats, each of which can 
carry a twenty-member crew. An eight-member Soviet training 
team rovided the NCG a ninety-day orientation training pro- 
gram on the use of these vessels. A five-member Soviet 
mechanic and engineer team remained in Mauritius for one 
year to service the patrol boats. 

Since independence, France, Britain, and India have pro- 
vided an array of equipment and training to various Mauritian 
police units. Following two assassination attempts against Jug- 
nauth in 1988 and 1989, for example, India provided a security 7 
adviser, J.N. Taimini, to help Mauritius upgrade its security ser- 
vices. France also has provided security 7 assistance to bolster 
Jugnauth's personal bodyguard. In March 1990, the British 
donated a modern explosives detector to the SMF. Often, these 
nations have competed with one another. In June 1991, France 
withdrew two military cooperation agents after Mauritius 
granted India a contract for communications and broadcasting 
equipment for the SMF. 

Since the late 1980s, the United States has become more 
active in Mauritius. In FY 1988 Washington initiated an IMET 
program to increase the SMF's defensive capabilities. Since 
then, the IMET program has sought to enhance the country's 
ability to protect its EEZ and combat narcotics trafficking by 
offering training in small boat maintenance and coastal patrol. 

Penal System 

Laws governing the Mauritian penal system are derived 
partly from old French codes and from English law. The judi- 
cial system consists of the Supreme Court, presided over by the 
chief justice and five other judges who also serve as judges of 
the Court of Appeal, the Industrial Court, and ten district 
courts. Final appeal can be made to the Queen's Privy Council 
in Britain; approximately 50 percent of the Supreme Court rul- 
ings referred to the Privy Council have been reversed. Mauri- 
tius has no military courts. The prison system consists of four 
facilities: a prison, a rehabilitation center, a youth institution, 
and an industrial school. The daily average prison population 
is 700. 



312 



Strategic Considerations 



Human Rights 

The Mauritian government has a history of respecting basic 
human rights. The constitution protects political and civil 
rights, including freedom of speech and of the press. In 1991 
the government enacted the Public Gathering Act, which pre- 
vents indefinite detention without charge or trial. During the 
early 1990s, there were no reports of political or other extra- 
judicial killings or disappearances. Various Mauritian media 
reports have alleged that the police have mistreated or killed 
criminal suspects; however, follow-up investigations have failed 
to confirm any consistent pattern of abuse. 

Seychelles 

Security Concerns 

Seychelles confronts no external security threat. During the 
Cold War, however, Seychelles faced several threats from for- 
eign powers interested in the country's strategic position 
astride the Indian Ocean's oil-tanker lanes. In particular, dur- 
ing the late 1970s and early 1980s, President France Albert 
Rene feared South African aggression. On at least two occa- 
sions, he accused South Africa of trying to overthrow his 
regime. Both incidents involved Colonel Michael "Mad Mike" 
Hoare, a mercenary who allegedly had been acting on behalf 
of the South African government. The first coup attempt 
occurred in November 1979, when Rene announced that he 
had foiled a plot "sponsored from abroad with the cooperation 
of mercenaries standing ready in Durban." The authorities 
arrested but later released eighty coup plotters. Although a 
South African connection could not be ruled out, some West- 
ern observers believed the affair was French inspired. 

The second, more serious coup attempt occurred on 
November 25, 1981, when a group of forty-five European mer- 
cenaries, led by Colonel Hoare, arrived at Mahe International 
Airport on a commercial flight from Swaziland to overthrow 
the Rene regime. The Seychellois authorities quickly thwarted 
the coup attempt, known as Operation Anvil, and the merce- 
naries hijacked an Air India plane and forced the captain to fly 
them to Durban, South Africa. As soon as the aircraft arrived, 
the South African police arrested all the mercenaries. Several 
of the mercenaries, including Colonel Hoare, served time in 



313 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

jail for their involvement in Operation Anvil. On May 7, 1985, 
Colonel Hoare was freed under a general presidential pardon. 

Seychellois-South African relations began to improve in the 
aftermath of Operation Anvil, following what appeared to be a 
secret agreement. In exchange for the release of South African 
prisoners in Seychelles, the South African government prom- 
ised to refrain from future actions against the Rene regime, 
help guarantee Seychellois security, and provide an indemnity 
payment to Seychelles. In July 1992, Pretoria announced that it 
would pay Victoria, the capital of Seychelles, about 8 million 
rand in compensation for Operation Anvil. On November 8, 
1993, the two countries established diplomatic relations at the 
ambassadorial level. 

In 1986 another coup attempt against the Rene regime 
occurred, supposedly involving the United States, France, and 
Britain. In addition to this foreign connection, the plot, known 
as Operation Distant Lash, included thirty mercenaries and 
some 350 partisans in Seychelles. The figurehead of this coup 
attempt was Minister of Defense Ogilvy Berlouis, who report- 
edly was groomed to be the country's new pro-Western presi- 
dent. Security forces thwarted the attempt, however, 
subsequently arresting Berlouis and forcing several officers of 
the Seychellois army, the Seychelles People's Liberation Army 
(SPLA), to resign. 

In July 1987, British police uncovered yet another plot to 
overthrow the Rene regime and to abduct leading members of 
the African National Congress (ANC) , the South African oppo- 
sition movement that maintained an office in London. The 
authorities eventually arrested four men and charged them 
with conspiracy to kidnap the ANC members; the charges were 
later withdrawn because of insufficient evidence. 

Since independence, numerous internal threats against the 
Seychellois government have arisen. After overthrowing James 
Mancham's regime on June 5, 1977, Rene quickly established a 
socialist one-party state, censored the rival newspaper, and 
abolished religious fee-paying schools. Rene also created an 
army and a large security apparatus for the first time in the 
country's history. 

As a result of such controversial policies, popular resent- 
ment against the Rene regime grew and thousands of Seychel- 
lois went into exile to form opposition groups to overthrow 
Rene. In April 1978, some of James Mancham's followers 
unsuccessfully tried to overthrow the government when Rene 



314 



Strategic Considerations 



was on a state visit to North Korea and China. The Movement 
for Resistance (Mouvement pour la Resistance), which sought 
to restore democracy in Seychelles, indicated that about 100 of 
its members had financed the November 1981 coup attempt. 
The Seychelles Liberation Committee, established in 1979 by 
exiles in Paris, also wanted to remove Rene and abolish his one- 
party state. The Seychelles National Movement maintained that 
it was a broad-based opposition group with followers in Sey- 
chelles, Britain, and Australia. The Seychelles Popular Anti- 
Marxist Front (SPAMF) declared that it had unsuccessfully 
tried to persuade the South African government to support a 
SPAMF coup attempt against Rene. Most Western observers 
believed that, notwithstanding the November 1981 coup 
attempt, these exile organizations had little chance of effecting 
a change of government in Seychelles, largely because they had 
few supporters in the country and minimal resources. With the 
end of the Cold War and the successful transition to multiparty 
politics in Seychelles through elections in 1993, the external 
and internal threats against the Rene regime have dissipated. 

Armed Forces in National Life 

Prior to 1977, Seychelles had no armed forces. Instead, 
there was a small police force modeled along British lines. 
Rene believed that the Seychelles People's Defence Forces 
(SPDF), which he created in 1977, would help preserve the 
country's revolution and advance socialism. Although the 
armed forces have been largely loyal to Rene, on at least one 
occasion, the SPLA staged a mutiny against the Rene regime. 
On August 17-18, 1982, some eighty-eight noncommissioned 
officers and enlisted personnel seized the Victoria radio station 
and port, police stations, telegraph facilities, and the Union 
Vale army camp. The mutineers demanded a change in the 
composition and ideological orientation of the Rene regime, 
the expulsion of all Tanzanian military advisers, and an 
improvement in the living conditions of the ordinary soldier. 
Within thirty-six hours, loyalist forces, supported by approxi- 
mately 400 Tanzania People's Defence Force (TPDF) person- 
nel, crushed the mutiny and recaptured all key installations. In 
April 1983, the government concluded a secret court martial of 
the mutineers. Since then, the armed forces have acquiesced in 
the goals and policies of the Rene regime. 



315 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Seychelles People's Defence Forces 

The SPDF consists of the SPLA, the Seychelles People's 
Navy, and the Seychelles People's Air Force. In December 1992, 
the government amalgamated the Seychelles People's Navy and 
the Seychelles People's Air Force to form the 250-member Sey- 
chelles Coast Guard (since increased to 300 members) . Each 
service commander reports to the armed forces chief of staff, 
who is responsible to the commander in chief, Rene. The pres- 
ident also retains the minister of defense portfolio. The 
Defence Forces Council, which is chaired by the armed forces 
chief of staff, manages the SPDF. 

The 1,000-member SPLA includes the 800-member army 
and the 300-member Presidential Guard. The army consists of 
one infantry battalion and two artillery elements. The SPDF 
also consists of the 300-member Seychelles Coast Guard, which 
includes the 100-member air wing and eighty marines. The 
army possesses six BRDM reconnaissance vehicles, armored 
personnel carriers, three D-130 122mm towed artillery pieces, 
six M-43 82mm mortars, ten SA-7 surface-to-air missiles, and 
an unknown number of RPG-7 rocket launchers. The SPLA's 
mission includes defending the nation's territorial integrity 
and, when necessary, assisting the People's Militia in preserving 
domestic law and order. Because much of its equipment is in 
need of maintenance, the army has minimal capabilities. West- 
ern observers believe that the army would be ineffective 
against a professional military force. 

The 100-member air wing of the coast guard operates one 
Britten-Norman BN-2A Maritime Defender and a Cessna 152 
trainer. The Britten-Norman, donated by the British govern- 
ment in 1980, patrols the EEZ, which extends over an area of 
almost 1 million square kilometers. It normally works with the 
patrol boats from the navy wing of the coast guard, searching 
for vessels engaged in smuggling and illegal fishing. The air- 
craft also conducts light transport, search and rescue, and med- 
ical evacuation missions. The air wing is the most effective 
service with equipment in good operating condition. 

The navy wing of the coast guard, based in Port Victoria, 
owns one Italian Andromache, one Soviet Zoroaster, two Soviet 
Zhuk inland patrol boats, and one amphibious landing craft. 
The navy wing patrols the country's EEZ and conducts anti- 
drug and search and rescue missions, and marine pollution 
containment. The navy wing's effectiveness is extremely lim- 
ited, largely because it rarely has more than two of its vessels 



316 



Cadets of Madagascar Military Academy, Antsirabe 
Motorcycle force of Madagascar gendarmerie 
Courtesy Thomas R Ofcansky 



317 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

operational at one time. In 1994 the government asked the 
United States to fund a two-year US$400,000 Coast Guard 
Development Program. The United States refused because of 
lack of funds. 

State Security Services 

The People's Militia has existed since the beginning of the 
Rene regime. On June 10, 1977, the president called for volun- 
teers to register for training in the People's Militia, which was 
to guard against a countercoup by James Mancham. By the 
early 1990s, the 1,000-member People's Militia consisted 
largely of untrained and unfit volunteers. Its mission is to 
defend the country from external aggression and to preserve 
the revolution. In June 1989, Rene assumed overall control of 
the People's Militia; the chief of staff is responsible for running 
it on a day-to-day basis. The People's Militia is divided into five 
military regions (north, central, west, south Mahe, and Pras- 
lin). Most Western observers consider the People's Militia a 
totally ineffective force. 

The national police, which is organized along British lines 
and commanded by a police commissioner, includes a regular 
500-member unit and a sixty-member paramilitary mobile unit. 
Members of the force normally are unarmed, but mobile unit 
personnel are equipped with modern weapons, including 
7.62mm rifles. For operational and administrative purposes, 
Seychelles is divided into the Central Police Division, which 
comprises the capital; North Police Division; South Police Divi- 
sion; and Praslin/La Digue Police Division. A senior police 
officer commands each of these formations. Seychelles main- 
tains a total of seventeen police stations in all divisions. The 
police organization includes headquarters, Criminal Investiga- 
tion Department (CID), Special Force (Police Mobile Unit), 
general duties, and special branch. A commandant manages 
the police training school at Praslin. This school provides fif- 
teen-week and refresher training courses for recruits, two-week 
supervisory officers' courses, two-week promotion courses, and 
four-week basic courses. Each district also has field training. 
Most Western observers agree that the national police forces 
are under strength and poorly paid. As a result, they have lim- 
ited military value. 

President France Albert Rene maintains a 300-member Pres- 
idential Guard for his own protection. This unit, which 
includes an unknown number of European mercenaries, has 
high-quality personnel and weapons. The army of 800 mera- 



318 



Strategic Considerations 



bers in 1994 includes the Presidential Guard, supplemented by 
an infantry battalion and two artillery elements. 

Information about Seychelles defense spending is limited. 
The 1991 defense expenditures, which were decided by Rene, 
amounted to about US$16 million. Estimated defense expendi- 
tures for 1993 are thought to be comparable. 

Training and Morale 

Historically, with the exception of the air wing, the armed 
forces have been poorly trained and suffered from low morale. 
Beginning in the late 1980s, the government began to establish 
a military training infrastructure. On May 16, 1987, the first 
noncommissioned officers (NCOs) passed through a three- 
month refresher course at the SPDF NCO Training School. At 
the graduation ceremony, Chief of Staff James Michel told the 
NCOs that a new career development program would give each 
of them "an equal opportunity to develop his career and rise 
up the promotion scale to the highest ranks." On May 7, 1988, 
the SPDF, supported by the People's Militia, conducted a simu- 
lated offensive at the Grand Police Military Training Center. 
The troops covered offensive and defensive military tactics, 
weapons training, field communications and engineering, first 
aid, map reading, and other military subjects. On June 2, 1990, 
officials opened the Seychelles Defence Academy, which pro- 
vided training courses for the SPDF, the People's Militia, and 
the police. Despite these efforts, the SPLA and the navy wing 
have failed to improve their capabilities. Personnel still suffer 
from low morale, poor qualifications, and ineffective combat 
skills. 

The air wing, however, shows a relatively high degree of pro- 
fessionalism. All pilots receive training in the Cessna 152 
before moving on to the Britten-Norman. After acquiring the 
requisite number of flying hours and the necessary commercial 
licenses, most pilots are seconded to the national airline, Air 
Seychelles. Some pilots are assigned to the Seychelles govern- 
ment, which operates one Cessna Citation and one Cessna Car- 
avan II as passenger and light transport aircraft. 

Foreign Military Assistance 

Seychelles traditionally received foreign military assistance 
from numerous nations, including Tanzania, India, the former 
Soviet Union, North Korea, and the United States. Of these, 
Tanzania has been Seychelles' most important military ally. The 



319 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

two countries initiated military relations shortly after Rene 
established the People's Militia; twelve Tanzanian military 
advisers arrived in Seychelles to help train the militia. By 1980 
the TPDF maintained an estimated 140-member contingent in 
Seychelles, including a thirty-member training team. After the 
expulsion of French technicians in 1979, Tanzania reinforced 
its presence in Seychelles. In June 1979, Seychellois military 
units participated in a joint exercise with TPDF and Malagasy 
units. On November 26, 1981, the day after Colonel Hoare's 
coup attempt failed, 400 TPDF personnel started patrolling 
Mahe International Airport and the coast to prevent a return 
of Hoare's mercenaries. According to some Western observers, 
the intervention of Tanzanian military personnel during the 
August 1982 SPDF mutiny probably saved the Rene regime. 

India has been one of Rene's oldest military allies. On June 
5, 1982, India gave Seychelles two Chetak helicopters as a Lib- 
eration Day gift for the People's Air Force; after one crashed, 
Bombay provided another. By the early 1990s, the Indian pres- 
ence in Seychelles included a colonel who managed the Sey- 
chelles Defence Academy, and two police advisers. 

Between 1979 and 1990, the former Soviet Union provided 
an array of military aid to Seychelles, including small arms, 
ammunition, SA-7 surface-to-air missiles, artillery, patrol boats, 
and petroleum. Additionally, the former Soviet Union 
deployed an unknown number of Soviet military and technical 
advisers to Seychelles. By December 1990, changing political 
conditions in Moscow forced the former Soviet Union to termi- 
nate its military aid program and withdraw all its advisers from 
Seychelles. In exchange for aid provided, the former Soviet 
Union hoped to gain access to Seychelles naval ports. Rene did 
allow Soviet warships to make port calls, but he never signed a 
formal access agreement with Moscow. 

By 1983 North Korea had deployed a fifty- to sixty-member 
military advisory team to Seychelles. These personnel assumed 
responsibility for training the SPLA. Unconfirmed reports also 
indicated that the North Koreans instructed the Presidential 
Guard. By 1988, according to Michel, the North Koreans had 
left Seychelles. 

The United States provided security assistance to Seychelles 
to retain access to the United States Air Force Satellite Track- 
ing station at La Misere. Aid activities focused on the IMET 
program, civic action, and coastal security. Since FY 1984, a 
small number of Seychellois military personnel have attended 



320 



Strategic Considerations 



IMET courses in technical and professional areas such as com- 
munications and studied at infantry and command and staff 
level military schools. Other training includes basic infantry, 
naval, and coast guard operations courses. During the early 
1990s, the United States hoped to expand its security assistance 
to the Seychelles to include air-sea rescue, explosives ordinance 
disposal, and military working dog training. 

Since the end of the Cold War, Seychelles increasingly has 
relied on India and the United States for foreign military assis- 
tance. France also has provided some maintenance aid to the 
Seychellois coast guard. Some Western observers maintain 
that, with the establishment of diplomatic relations, South 
Africa could initiate a military aid program in Seychelles within 
a few years. 

Penal System 

The Seychellois penal system is based on English common 
law and Napoleonic civil law. The judiciary system includes the 
magistrates' (or small claims) courts, the Supreme (or trial) 
Court, and the Court of Appeal. The president also exercises 
quasi-judicial powers, especially in national security cases. Sey- 
chellois law requires that military personnel be tried by court 
martial unless the president decrees otherwise. 

The courts often sentence criminals to the Grand Police 
Camp, a high security prison run by the army on Mahe Island. 
Amnesty International reports that prison authorities often 
require prisoners to perform excessively strenuous labor. 

Human Rights 

From 1977 to 1993, Seychelles was an authoritarian, one- 
party, socialist state. The country's 1979 constitution failed to 
provide for basic human rights, including them instead in a 
preamble as a goal of the Seychellois people. Rene has also 
intimidated dissidents and opponents by threatening to invoke 
the Public Security Act, which allows for indefinite detention in 
security cases. Moreover, he often exiles opponents or orders 
the confiscation of their property. Over the years, numerous 
credible reports indicate that the police beat prisoners. Invari- 
ably, the government dismisses complaints against police offic- 
ers charged with such practices. By the early 1990s, the 
Seychellois human rights record had improved somewhat as 
the government adopted a less belligerent attitude toward dissi- 
dents and opposition groups. In June 1993, a referendum was 



321 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



held on the new constitution, and in July 1993 multiparty elec- 
tions were held for the National Assembly and the presidency. 

Comoros 
Security Concerns 

Comoros faces no external threats. During the 1970s and 
1980s, however, various groups of European mercenaries, all 
supposedly supported by foreign powers, played a significant 
role in Comoran domestic politics. 

Since independence the Comoran government has con- 
tended with several internal threats. This domestic instability 
reflects the weakness of the island's central government, the 
unpopularity of its rulers, and the presence of European mer- 
cenaries. On July 6, 1975, the Comoran Chamber of Deputies 
approved a unilateral declaration of independence from 
France, named Ahmed Abdallah as president, and constituted 
itself as the National Assembly. On August 3, 1975, a group of 
prominent citizens, radicals, and technocrats overthrew the 
Abdallah regime. These individuals replaced the National 
Assembly with a National Executive Council, led by Prince Said 
Mohammed Jaffar. In January 1976, Ali Soilih succeeded Jaffar 
as president. 

Soilih embarked immediately on a revolutionary program, 
based on Maoist and Islamic philosophies, that sought to 
develop an economically self-sufficient and ideologically pro- 
gressive state. In addition to alienating France, which termi- 
nated its aid and technical assistance programs to Comoros, 
Soilih's policies aroused resentment among the island's tradi- 
tional leaders. To make matters worse, Soilih established his 
version of Mao's Red Guards, known as the Commando Moissy. 
These vigilantes, trained by Tanzanian military advisers, fur- 
ther alienated Comoran society by acting as a repressive politi- 
cal police. Growing popular discontent resulted in four 
unsuccessful coup attempts against the Soilih regime during its 
two-and-a-half-year existence. 

On May 12-13, 1978, a fifty-member European mercenary 
unit, hired by Ahmed Abdallah in France and led by French 
Colonel Robert Denard, finally overthrew Soilih. Two weeks 
later, security personnel killed Soilih, allegedly while he was try- 
ing to escape from house arrest. Ahmed Abdallah and his 
former deputy, Mohamed Ahmed, then became co-presidents. 
Although it initially experienced some opposition because of 



322 



Diego-Suarez, near Antsiranana, site of Malagasy port and naval base 

Courtesy Thomas P. Ofcansky 

the role played by Denard and his mercenaries in the coup, the 
new government eventually gained popular support. Its popu- 
larity rested on its ability to restore relations with France, which 
resumed economic, military, and cultural aid to the islands, 
and to gain assistance from the European Community and sev- 
eral Arab countries, including Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Kuwait. 
On October 22, 1978, Abdallah was elected to a six-year term as 
president. 

Despite the influx of foreign aid, political conditions in 
Comoros remained unsettled, largely because Abdallah failed 
to establish a government that adequately represented people 
on the outlying islands of Njazidja (Grande Comore), Nzwani 
(Anjouan), and Mwali (Moheli). Moreover, Abdallah fre- 
quently used repressive methods against his real and imagined 
adversaries. In this turbulent atmosphere, opponents of Abdal- 



323 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

lah's regime made at least four unsuccessful attempts to over- 
throw his government. 

In February 1981, loyal Presidential Guard (Garde Presi- 
dentielle — GP) units crushed an army mutiny on the main 
island of Njazidja, and the authorities subsequently arrested 
about 150 people. In December 1983, another plot surfaced 
after the arrest of a group of British mercenaries in Australia. 
According to the Comoran government, they had planned to 
overthrow Abdallah on behalf of a former Comoran diplomat, 
Said Ali Kemal. A March 1985 plot against Abdallah by the GP 
also failed and resulted in seventeen people being sentenced to 
forced labor for life and fifty others being imprisoned. In 
November 1987, French mercenaries and South African mili- 
tary advisers based in Comoros reportedly thwarted a coup by a 
small number of GP and armed forces personnel. 

In late November 1989, the Abdallah regime finally fell after 
members of the GP, which included several European advisers 
under Colonel Denard's command, assassinated the president. 
As outlined in the constitution, the Supreme Court president, 
Said Mohamed Djohar, became interim head of state, pending 
a presidential election. Denard and his associates, however, 
engineered a coup attempt against Djohar, disarmed the army, 
and killed at least twenty-seven police. Growing French and 
South African pressure forced Colonel Denard to leave Como- 
ros for South Africa. In April 1990, the Comoran government 
announced that France would maintain a military team on the 
islands for two years to train local security forces. 

Despite the presence of French troops and a general 
amnesty for all political prisoners, Comoros continued to suf- 
fer from internal instability. On August 18-19, 1990, armed 
rebels unsuccessfully tried to overthrow Djohar by attacking 
various French installations on the island of Njazidja. A small 
group of European mercenaries allegedly supported the coup 
attempt and believed that the Djohar regime would fall if they 
could force the French to withdraw from the islands. The 
authorities detained more than twenty people in connection 
with the uprising. Another coup attempt occurred on Septem- 
ber 26, 1992, when Lieutenant Said Mohamed and 100 Como- 
ran army personnel tried to overthrow Djohar. According to 
plotters, the coup's purpose was "to ensure state security and to 
put in place a true democracy." Troops loyal to Djohar quickly 
crushed this coup attempt. Since then, political instability has 
continued to plague Comoros for several reasons. In part, 



324 



Strategic Considerations 



there is opposition to Djohar, and, despite two democratic leg- 
islative elections, clear majorities are lacking in the National 
Assembly, leading to considerable internal political maneuver- 
ing. Moreover, economic hardships contribute to unrest. 

The Military and the Government 

Until independence, Comoros had no armed forces. Since 
then, the government has maintained a small military estab- 
lishment, which, by international standards, possesses minimal 
capabilities. Despite the lack of a strong military tradition, how- 
ever, the armed forces have played a significant role in the 
country's political life. In particular, the GP, which is the best 
trained and best armed of all security services, has repeatedly 
intervened in politics and eventually controlled Comoros. 
Such activities understandably have attracted considerable 
attention, especially because the GP includes European merce- 
naries in its ranks and in senior positions. Over the years, 
numerous reports, some of them unconfirmed, suggested that 
foreign powers such as France, Britain, or South Africa pro- 
vided these mercenaries with money and weapons. By the early 
1990s, most Western observers believed that as long as French 
military forces remained in the islands, the Comoran armed 
forces were unlikely to maintain a high political profile. 

Little information exists about Comoran defense econom- 
ics. In 1987, the most recent year for which figures were avail- 
able, the government budgeted about 910 million Comoran 
francs (Cf; for value of the Comoran franc — see Glossary) for 
defense expenditures. 

Armed Forces 

The national army, the Comoran Armed Forces (Forces 
Armees Comoriennes — FAC) , maintains a personnel strength 
of approximately 700 to 800 men. The FAC inventory includes 
an array of small arms and light military vehicles. A small mili- 
tary aviation element operates a Cessna 402B and an AS-350B 
Ecureuil. The aircraft are used for Very Important Persons 
(VIP) transport. Comoros lacks a navy. Most military training 
occurs in Comoros; however, a small number of army person- 
nel have received some foreign training, primarily in France 
and the United States. Historically, army morale has been low, 
largely because of the GP's predominance and influence. After 
taking control of the country in December 1989, France dis- 



325 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



solved the Comoran army and devised a multiyear plan to orga- 
nize a new Comoran Armed Forces. 

State Security Services 

The 600-member GP reports to the president's office. After 
members of the GP assassinated President Abdallah in Novem- 
ber 1989, however, the GP, under Colonel Denard's command, 
controlled the country. France assumed responsibility for 
Comoran security the following month, and immediately 
announced that the GP would be limited to a ceremonial role 
with a reduced number of troops. The 500-member National 
Police Force (Force de Police Nationale) is headquartered in 
Moroni, with detachments in the other islands. 

Foreign Military Assistance 

Since independence, Comoros has received foreign military 
assistance from Tanzania, France, South Africa, and the United 
States. Only France and the United States continued to provide 
military aid to Comoros as of mid-1994. 

Tanzania hoped to limit Western influence in Comoros by 
providing military aid to President Soilih. It was able to deploy 
about 100 military advisers to the islands to train the army and 
the Commando Moissy, but Tanzania lacks the resources to 
make a significant long-term impact on the Comoran Armed 
Forces. 

Historically, France has been the most important military 
player in Comoros, largely because it has strategic interests in 
the Indian Ocean and military installations on the islands of 
Reunion and Mayotte. Even before independence, France and 
Comoros signed a defense agreement in 1973; five years later, 
the two nations concluded a technical military assistance agree- 
ment. After the Soilih regime fell in 1978, French military 
advisers replaced European mercenaries and guaranteed 
Comoran security. On November 10, 1978, the two govern- 
ments signed a military agreement that provided French train- 
ing for Comoran Armed Forces and French military assistance 
in case of an attack on the islands. By January 1985, seventy-six 
Comoran military personnel had received training in France, 
and the French military had stationed twenty-three advisers in 
Comoros. 

After the assassination of President Abdallah, France 
deployed 140 troops from the 21st Marine Paratroop Regiment 
and fifty officers and warrant officers from the Military Assis- 



326 



Strategic Considerations 



tance and Instruction Detachment. According to a December 
16, 1989, statement by President Djohar, the latter unit was sup- 
posed to remain on the islands for one to two years to train and 
to reorganize the Comoran Armed Forces. In August 1994, 
France continued to maintain a military presence in Comoros. 

During the late 1980s, South Africa and Comoros main- 
tained a discreet but significant military relationship. The 
South African government constructed a radio-monitoring sta- 
tion on the islands. Also, according to the Indian Ocean Newslet- 
ter, Comoros was a transshipment point for arms from South 
Africa to Iran and to the Mozambican National Resistance 
(Resistencia Nacional Mocambicano — Renamo) rebel move- 
ment in Mozambique. South Africa also funded the GP, under 
Colonel Denard's command. In late 1989, South Africa severed 
its connection to the GP and Colonel Denard, thereby allowing 
France to become the dominant foreign military power on the 
islands. 

Since the late 1980s, the United States has maintained a 
small IMET program in Comoros. Initially, five to six Comoran 
officers received basic military training and English language 
instruction in the United States. In 1989 the IMET program 
was expanded to include professional military education and 
technical training courses for a small number of Comoran mili- 
tary personnel. By the early 1990s, the IMET program comple- 
mented the ongoing French effort to reorganize the Comoran 
armed forces. However, the United States embassy in Comoros 
closed in September 1993. 

Penal System 

The Comoran legal system rests on Islamic law and an 
inherited French legal code. Village elders or civilian courts 
settle most disputes. The judiciary is independent of the legis- 
lature and the executive. The Supreme Court acts as a Consti- 
tutional Council in resolving constitutional questions and 
supervising presidential elections. As High Court of Justice, the 
Supreme Court also arbitrates cases in which the government is 
accused of malpractice. The Supreme Court consists of two 
members selected by the president, two elected by the Federal 
Assembly, and one by the council of each island. 

Human Rights 

In the African context, Comoros' human rights record is 
above average. However, in early 1979, Comoran authorities 



327 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

arrested some 300 supporters of Soilih's regime and impris- 
oned them without trial in Moroni. Four of Soilih's former 
ministers also disappeared. For the next two years, arrests, 
shootings, and disappearances continued. Under pressure 
from France, some trials were held, but many Comorans 
remained political prisoners, despite protests from Amnesty 
International and other humanitarian organizations. The 
Abdallah regime also restricted freedom of speech, press, asso- 
ciation, citizens' rights to change their government, women's 
rights, and workers' rights. After Abdallah's death in late 1989, 
the country's human rights record improved. The European 
mercenaries who ruled the island ordered only a few arrests 
and released nearly all political prisoners who had been 
detained after the 1985 and 1987 coup attempts. 

This trend continued until March 1990, when Djohar 
became president of Comoros. Those who opposed his regime 
were subjected to various human rights violations. For exam- 
ple, after an unsuccessful August 18-19, 1990, coup attempt, 
the authorities detained twenty-four people without trial in 
connection with the uprising. In October 1990, the security 
forces killed Max Veillard, the leader of the coup. The follow- 
ing year, after efforts to remove him from the presidency for 
negligence failed, Djohar ordered the arrest of several 
Supreme Court judges and declared a state of emergency. 
Another failed coup attempt on September 26, 1992, 
prompted the authorities to detain more than twenty people, 
including former Minister of Interior Omar Tamou. Police 
held these detainees incommunicado and reportedly tortured 
some of them. The Comoran Association for Human Rights 
(Association Comorienne des Droits Humains), which had 
been established in May 1990, also accused the Djohar regime 
of executing without trial individuals suspected of supporting 
armed opposition groups. In 1994 groups such as Amnesty 
International continued to monitor the human rights situation 
in Comoros, and to speak out against the Djohar regime. 

Maldives 

Security Concerns 

Since independence Maldives has faced no external threats 
but has experienced three major internal threats. In May 1980, 
President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom disclosed details of an 
abortive coup against his regime. According to Gayoom, 



328 



Strategic Considerations 



former president Ibrahim Nasir, supported by nine British ex- 
Special Air Services mercenaries, masterminded the plot. Nasir 
denied this allegation, but in April 1981 the authorities sen- 
tenced Ahmed Naseem, former deputy minister of fisheries 
and brother-in-law of Nasir, to life imprisonment for plotting to 
overthrow Gayoom. Attempts to extradite Nasir from Sin- 
gapore failed. In July 1990, Gayoom pardoned Nasir in absen- 
tia, ostensibly because of his role in the independence struggle. 
In 1983 Gayoom faced another unsuccessful coup attempt. 

The most serious challenge to Gayoom occurred in Novem- 
ber 1988, when former Maldivian businessperson Abdullah 
Luthufi led a seaborne mercenary force of about 150 Sri Lan- 
kan Tamil separatists who invaded Maldives and attempted to 
seize key government installations. Gayoom asked the Indian 
government for assistance, and Bombay deployed a 1,600- 
member contingent to Maldives. This unit quickly suppressed 
the coup attempt and restored order. In September 1989, 
Gayoom commuted to life imprisonment the death sentences 
imposed on twelve Sri Lankans and four Maldivians who partic- 
ipated in the coup attempt. A few weeks later, India withdrew 
its remaining 160 troops from Maldives. By the early 1990s, 
internal security had improved, largely because Gayoom had 
embarked on a democratization program. 

Armed Forces in National Life 

For hundreds of years, Maldives had not experienced secu- 
rity problems and therefore had no need for a military estab- 
lishment. In 1956, however, Maldives allowed Britain to 
establish a Royal Air Force base on Gan, an island in Addu 
atoll. As part of a 1965 accord, the British gained access to Gan 
until 1986, but budgetary retrenchment forced them to pull 
out in 1976. In 1977 Maldives rejected a request by the former 
Soviet Union to lease the Gan facilities. By the early 1980s, 
Maldives maintained only one security unit, the National Secu- 
rity Service (NSS). This organization, which numbered fewer 
than 1,000 personnel, performed army, police, and maritime 
duties. Its mission includes preserving internal security and 
patrolling the country's territorial waters for illegal fishing and 
smuggling. After the 1988 coup attempt, the government 
expanded the NSS to about 1,500 personnel; by 1990, the NSS 
had grown to approximately 1,800 personnel. 



329 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 
Penal System 

Maldivians follow the sharia or Islamic law. Occasionally, the 
courts order convicted criminals to be flogged. Usually, how- 
ever, punishment is limited to fines, compensatory payment, 
house arrest, imprisonment, or banishment to a remote island. 
The country's judicial system includes a High Court and eight 
lesser courts in Male. The High Court handles politically sensi- 
tive cases and acts as a court of appeal. Each of the lesser courts 
deals with cases that involve debt, theft, or property claims. All- 
purpose courts exist on other islands. Maldives has no jury tri- 
als; Islamic law judges conduct trials, which are open to the 
public. The president appoints all judges and has the final 
word in all legal cases. 

Human Rights 

Maldives has a fairly good human rights record, but individ- 
ual freedoms are restricted in areas such as speech and press, 
religion, the right of citizens to change their government, and 
women's and workers' rights. Other problems include arbitrary 
arrest, incommunicado detention, and lack of an independent 
judiciary. Despite Gayoom's commitment to democratization, 
Western observers believe that these problems will continue to 
mar the country's human rights record. 

Notwithstanding the end of the Cold War, the Indian Ocean 
island countries undoubtedly will continue to maintain a 
degree of strategic importance for nations such as France, 
South Africa, and India. It is unlikely that any of these nations 
will intervene militarily in any of the region's islands. It also is 
unlikely that any of the islands will experience significant inter- 
nal security problems in the near future. As a result of dwin- 
dling foreign military assistance, the security forces on each of 
the islands probably will undergo some reorganization or 
downsizing in the years ahead. Consequently, by the turn of the 
century, the military capabilities of each of the Indian Ocean 
islands will be far less than they are today. 

# * * 

Historically, various foreign and indigenous armed forces 
have played a significant role in Indian Ocean life. Available 
military literature focuses mainly on Madagascar. Useful histor- 
ical works for this country include The Rising of the Red Shawls: A 
Revolt in Madagascar, 1895-1 899 by Stephen D.K. Ellis and two 



330 



Strategic Considerations 



works of Samuel Pasfield Oliver: Examples of Military Operations 
in Madagascar by Foreign Powers and Native Campaigns, 1 642- 
1881 and French Operations in Madagascar, 1883-1885. Two of 
the more important studies about Madagascar's role in World 
War II are Into Madagascar and The King's African Rifles in Mada- 
gascar, both by Kenneth Cecil Gander Dower. 

Several essential works for the postindependence period 
include Mike Hoare's The Seychelles Affair, Anthony Mockler's 
The New Mercenaries: The History of the Hired Soldier from the Congo 
to the Seychelles, and Philip M. Allen's Security and Nationalism in 
the Indian Ocean: Lessons from the Latin Quarter Islands. 

For material about the strategic importance of the Indian 
Ocean, see The Politics of Intrusion: The Super Powers and the 
Indian Ocean by Kim C. Beazley and Ian Clark. Other works of 
interest include Monoranjan Bezboruah's U.S. Strategy in the 
Indian Ocean: The International Response, Vijay Kumar Bhasin's 
Super Power Rivalry in the Indian Ocean, and The Indian Ocean: Its 
Political, Economic, and Military Importance edited by Alvin J. Cot- 
trell and R.M. Burrell. 

Material about the military aspects of the Indian Ocean and 
its islands exists in a variety of periodical sources, including the 
Indian Ocean Newsletter, African Defence Journal, Africa Research 
Bulletin, and Africa Confidential. Other useful publications are 
New African, Africa Events, Africa News, Focus on Africa, and the 
Journal of Modern African Studies. Two International Institute for 
Strategic Studies annuals, The Military Balance and Strategic Sur- 
vey, are essential for understanding the evolution of Indian 
Ocean security forces. The same is true of three annuals: Africa 
Contemporary Record, Africa South of the Sahara, and SIPRI World 
Armaments and Disarmament. The last is published by the Stock- 
holm International Peace Research Institute. (For further 
information and complete citations, see Bibliography) . 



331 



Appendix 



Table 

1 Metric Conversion Coefficients and Factors 

2 Madagascar: Balance of Payments, Selected Years, 1984- 

92 

3 Madagascar: Production of Major Crops, Selected Years, 

1986-92 

4 Madagascar: Fish Production, 1992, 1993, and 1994 

5 Madagascar: Industries Within the Export Processing 

Zones, 1989, 1991, and 1993 

6 Madagascar: Direction of Trade, Selected Years, 1984-92 

7 Madagascar: Foreign Assistance, Selected Years, 1979-91 

8 Security Forces of Indian Ocean Island Countries, 1994 

9 Major Equipment of Madagascar Armed Forces, 1994 



333 



Appendix 



Table 1. Metric Conversion Coefficients and Factors 

When you know Multiply by To find 



Millimeters 


0.04 


inches 


Centimeters 


0.39 


inches 


Meters 


3.3 


feet 


Kilometers 


0.62 


miles 


Hectares 


2.47 


acres 


Square kilometers 


0.39 


square miles 


Cubic meters 


35.3 


cubic feet 




0.26 


gallons 


Kilograms 


2.2 


pounds 


Metric tons 


0.98 


long tons 




1.1 


short tons 




2,204.0 


pounds 


Degrees Celsius (Centigrade) 


1.8 


degrees Fahrenheit 



and add 32 



Table 2. Madagascar: Balance of Payments, Selected Years, 1984-92 
(in millions of United States dollars) 





1984 


1986 


1988 


1990 


1992 


Merchandise exports, f.o.b. 2 


337 


323 


284 


319 


328 


Merchandise imports, f.o.b 


-360 


-331 


-319 


-566 


-466 


Trade balance 


-23 


-8 


-34 


-248 


-138 


Export of services 


58 


80 


131 


209 


178 


Import of services 


-306 


-365 


-443 


-450 


-411 


Net private transfers 


-1 


21 


38 


49 


88 


Net public transfers 


78 


132 


158 


188 


148 


Current account balance 


-193 


-141 


-149 


-251 


-136 


Direct and portfolio investment .... 


n.a. 3 


n.a. 


n.a. 


22 


21 


Other capital 


^23 


22 


^22 


_^40 


-109 


Capital account balance 


-23 


22 


-22 


-18 


-88 


Errors and omissions 


n.a. 


n.a. 


53 


-9 


-52 


Changes in reserves 












(- means increase) 


-25 


-62 


-39 


3 


1 



Figures may not add to totals because of rounding. 

2 f.o.b. — free on board. 

3 n.a. — not available. 



Source: Based on information from Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Profile: Mada- 
gascar, 1994-93, London, 1994, 28. 



335 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Table 3. Madagascar: Production of Major Crops, Selected Years, 

1986-92 
(in thousands of tons) 



Crop 


1986 


1988 


1990 


1992 


Bananas 


225 


260 


220 


220 


Cassava 


2,421 


2,200 


2,292 


2,320 


Cloves 


7 


12 


10 


11 


Cocoa 


2 


3 


4 


3 


Coffee 


59 


66 


85 


80 


Corn 


153 


156 


155 


165 


Cotton (seed) 


50 


46 


32 


26 


Peanuts 


33 


30 


30 


32 


Rice (paddy) 


2,230 


2,235 


2,420 


2,200 


Sisal 


20 


20 


20 


18 


Sugar (raw) 


102 


122 


2,000 


1,724 


Sweet potatoes , 


467 


485 


486 


487 


Tobacco 


5 


4 


4 


4 


Vanilla (prepared) 


1 


2 


9 


7 



Source: Based on information from Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Profile: Mada- 
gascar, 1994-95, London, 1994, 13. 



Table 4. Madagascar: Fish Production, 1992, 1993, and 1994 

(in tons) 

1992 1993 1994 1 



Crabs 960 1,200 1,500 

Lobsters 460 570 650 

Shrimp 7,890 8,600 10,100 

Tuna 9,000 11,000 11,500 

Other 57,900 66,000 68,000 

Freshwater fishing 25,000 27,000 28,000 

Total production 101,210 114,370 119,750 

Forecast. 



Source: Based on information from Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report: Mada- 
gascar, Mauritius, Seychelles [London], No. 2, 1994, 26. 



336 



Appendix 



o 



o o 
<« — 

I— Q. 

M 



Si 



O O 

« c 
w 



© m © 

00 00 (N 

t» © 

I> ©" ^* 



cm m en © 



m © © 

T-H CM 

© I> r-i 



© © © 

on m © 

N if) (D 

CM i-* i-I 



© CM © 
CM © CO 

cm en 



i> © i— i o 

fX CO O (D 
tJh i> © to 



M(OOOhOOON(C|N 

oom©mmcMCMcoto|© 
m cm t-~ cm en ©^ 

©~ | oo* 





00 © 


© © © © o 




oo 


m 


© 


© 




© 


© 




CM 






in 








CM 



© ©I 00 

© t> 
© 



be "5 
C O 



8 « 
°- 8 
o 3 



JT 



f 



337 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Table 6. Madagascar: Direction of Trade, Selected Years, 1984-92 
(in millions of United States dollars) 

1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 



Exports 



Industrialized countries 



France 107.4 

Germany 2 38.8 

Japan 36.7 

Russia 3 2.7 

United States 67.4 

Other 47.9 

Total industrialized 

countries 300.9 

Developing countries 

Africa 7.2 

Asia 15.2 

Europe 9.8 

Latin America 0.1 

Middle East 0.1 

Other — 

Total developing 

countries 32.4 

Total exports 333.3 

Imports 

Industrialized countries 

France 126.9 

Germany 17.5 

Japan 10.2 

Russia 8.3 

United States 42.9 

Other 44.8 

Total industrialized 

countries 250.6 

Developing countries 

Africa 1.8 

Asia 92.3 

Europe 1.6 

Latin America 1.8 



1 (\A O 
IU4.4 


yo.i 


1 1 1.3 


116.8 


24.3 


20.8 


25.6 


38.6 


35.0 


31.4 


20.0 


28.7 


6.6 


7.0 


2.3 


2.7 


48.2 


33.7 


107.7 


50.9 


59.7 


39.2 


76.1 


73.3 


978 1 
4 /o. 1 


997 1 
44/. 1 


^49 ft 


oll.U 


1 1.0 


9? ft 
43. U 


7 

OO. / 


49 9 


oo 1 
44. D 


14.1 


44.0 


07 1 
4/.1 


1.1 


8.2 


O 1 

4./ 


1.0 


0.1 


4 


0.6 


0.3 




3.9 


0.1 


1.7 




0.1 


0.2 


0.2 


34.9 


47.2 


62.4 


72.3 


313.0 


274.4 


404.7 


383.5 


113.2 


124.9 


184.4 


183.5 


24.9 


30.5 


34.8 


23.9 


22.3 


23.3 


36.5 


26.5 


37.2 


32.9 


3.1 


3.8 


37.9 


13.2 


13.1 


6.7 


34.2 


40.6 


72.1 


68.8 


269.8 


265.4 


344.1 


313.2 


7.6 


7.7 


31.2 


37.4 


42.1 


44.9 


86.2 


95.3 


16.7 


19.6 


11.4 


12.9 


2.7 


2.7 


13.4 


13.0 



338 



Appendix 



Table 6. Madagascar: Direction of Trade, Selected Years, 1 984-92 
(in millions of United States dollars) 





1984 


1986 


1988 


1990 


1992 


Middle East 


132.6 


0.3 


20.1 


30.3 


52.0 


Other 


48.2 


0.5 


3.7 


74.7 


90.4 


Total developing 
countries 


278.3 


69.3 


98.7 


247.2 


301.0 


Total imports 


528.9 


339.6 


363.9 


590.3 


614.1 



Forecast. 

2 West Germany before 1991. 

3 Soviet Union before 1992. 

4 — means negligible. 

Source: Based on information from International Monetary Fund, Direction of Trade Sta- 
tistics Yearbook, 1986, Washington, 1986, 262-63; and Direction of Trade Statistics 
Yearbook, 1993, Washington, 1993, 262-63. 

Table 7. Madagascar: Foreign Assistance, Selected Years, 1979-91 
(in millions of United States dollars) 

1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 



Bilateral assistance 



France 


38.4 


96.4 


47.4 


108.5 


157.0 


Germany 1 


2.1 


12.6 


16.3 


14.3 


30.3 


Italy 


0.2 


1.6 


2.6 


3.7 


21.6 


Japan 


21.0 


28.3 


11.6 


42.8 


56.8 


Switzerland 


5.8 


6.8 


4.8 


25.8 


15.3 


United States 


3.0 


15.0 


17.0 


13.0 


71.0 


Other 


7.8 


7.4 


5.7 


9.5 


13.5 


Total bilateral assistance 


78.3 


168.1 


105.4 


217.6 


365.5 


Multilateral assistance 












African Development Fund .... 


2 


2.0 


7.2 


8.7 


17.7 


European Economic 
Community 


15.8 


21.6 


17.8 


30.6 


17.3 


International Development 
Association 


12.6 


33.1 


58.4 


51.0 


106.0 


Other 


12.5 


23.9 


11.7 


18.6 


50.4 


Total multilateral assistance . . 


40.9 


80.6 


95.1 


108.9 


191.4 


Other 


13.8 


15.0 


0.0 


2.7 


0.0 


TOTAL 


133.0 


263.7 


200.5 


329.2 


556.9 



West Germany before 1991. 
— means negligible. 



Source: Based on information from Organisation for Economic Co-operation and 
Development, Geographical Distribution of Financial Flows to Developing Countries, 
Paris, 1991. 



339 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Table 8. Security Forces of Indian Ocean Island Countries, 1994 



Country Personnel 



Madagascar 

People's Armed Forces (Forces Armees Populaires — FAP) 

Army 20,000 

Aeronaval force 1,000 

National Gendarmerie 7,500 

Civil Police 3,000 

Mobile Police Group 1,000 

Presidential Guard 1,200 

Mauritius 

Special Mobile Force (SMF) 1,300 

Police 4,000 

Special Support Unit 240 

National Coast Guard 500 

Very Important Persons Security Unit 100 

Seychelles 

Seychelles People's Defence Forces 

Seychelles People's Liberation Army 800 

Coast Guard (includes 100-member air wing and 80 marines) 300 

People's Militia 1,000 

Police 560 

Presidential Guard 300 

Comoros 

Comoran Armed Forces 700-800 

National Police Force 500 

Presidential Guard 600 1 

Maldives 

National Security Service 1,800 

Undergoing reorganization. 



Source: Based on information from The Military Balance, 1994-1995, London, 230-32. 



340 



Appendix 



Table 9. Major Equipment of Madagascar Armed Forces, 1994 



Type and Description 



Country of Origin 



In Inventory 



Light tanks 

PT-76 

Reconnaissance 

BRDM-2 armored cars 

M-8 armored scout cars 

M-3A1 armored scout cars . , 

FV-701 Ferret scout cars . . 
Armored personnel carriers 

M-3A1 

Towed artillery 

ZIS-3 76mm 

M-101 105mm 

D-30 122mm 

Recoilless guns 

M-40A1 106mm 

Mortars 

M-37 82mm 

M-43 120mm 

Air defense guns 

ZPU-4 14.5mm 

37mm Type 55 

Fighter/ ground attack aircraft 

MiG-21FL Fishbed 

MiG-l7F Fresco 

Transport 

An-26Curl 

Yak-40 Codling 

BN-2 Defender 

C-212Aviocar 

Helicopters 

Mi-8Hip 

Liaison 

Cessna 310R 

Cessna 337 

PA-23 Aztec 

Training 

Cessna 172 

Patrol craft, inshore 

Malaika PR-48 

Amphibious 

Toky (Batram design) 
Landing ship, medium . . . 



Soviet Union 

-do- 
United States 
-do- 
Britain 

United States 

Soviet Union 
United States 
Soviet Union 

United States 

Soviet Union 
-do- 

-do- 
-do- 

-do- 
-do- 

-do- 

<lo- 
Britain 
Spain 

Soviet Union 

United States 
-do- 
-do- 

-do- 

France 



-do- 



12 

35 
8 
20 
10 

30 

12 
n.a. 
12 



n.a. 
8 

50 
20 

8 
4 

4 
2 
3 
2 



341 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Table 9. Major Equipment of Madagascar Armed Forces, 1994 



Type and Description 


Country of Origin 


In Inventory 


Landing ship, assault 




1 


EDIC-type landing craft, tank 


. . . . France 


1 



n.a. — not available. 

Source: Based on information from The Military Balance, 1994-1995, London, 1994, 
230-31. 



342 



Bibliography 



Chapter 1 

Althabe, Gerard. "Les manifestations paysannes d'avril 1971," 
Revue francaise d' etudes politiques africaines [Dakar, Senegal], 
78, June 1972, 70-77. 

Andriamirado, Sennen. Madagascar aujourd'hui. Paris: Editions 
J.A., 1978. 

Andriamparany, L.M., J. Ratsimandrava, andJ.F. Giovannetti. 
"Setting Up a Bibliographic Data-Base from National Inven- 
tory of Scientific and Technical Literature — The Cidst Expe- 
rience in Madagascar," International Library Review, 23, No. 4, 
1991,345-56. 

Anizon, A. Production de I'habitat a Antananarivo. Paris: Harmat- 
tan, 1988. 

Archer, Robert. Madagascar depuis 1972: La marche d'une revolu- 
tion. Paris: Harmattan, 1976. 
Attenborough, David, journeys to the Past: Travels in New Guinea, 

Madagascar, and the Northern Territory of Australia. Guildford, 

United Kingdom: Lutterworth Press, 1981. 
"L'attitude des eglises malgaches face a la situation politique," 

Revue francaise d' etudes politiques africaines [Dakar, Senegal], 

72, December 1971, 85-89. 
Bare, J. F. Pouvoir des vivants, langage des morts: Ideologiques Saka- 

lava. Paris: Francois Maspero, 1977. 
Bare,J.F. Sable rouge. Paris: Harmattan, 1980. 
Battistini, Rene. Geographic de Madagascar. Paris: EDIGEF, 

SEDES, 1986. 

Bavoux, Claude, and Claudine Bavoux. "Le cout social des 
dernieres politiques linguistiques," Politique africaine: Mada- 
gascar [Paris], 52, December 1993, 76-88. 

Bavoux, Claudine. Islam et metissage — Les musulmans creolophones 
a Madagascar: Les indiens sunnites Sourti de Tamatave. Paris: 
Harmattan, 1990. 

Beaujard, P. "Rice From Heaven. Rice from the Earth: Ideology, 
the Political System, and Rice Production in the Tanala King- 



343 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



doms of Ikongo (Southeastern Coast of Madagascar)," Etudes 
rurales [Montrouge, France], No. 99-1, 1985, 389-402. 

Berg, Elliot. "The Liberalization of Rice Marketing in Madagas- 
car," World Development [Oxford], 17, May 1989, 719-28. 

Berg, Gerald M. "Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina 
at Ambohimanga, 1777-1790," Journal of African History 
[London], 29, No. 2, 1988, 191-211. 

Berg, Gerald M. "The Sacred Musket: Tactics, Technology, and 
Power in Eighteenth-Century Madagascar," Comparative Stud- 
ies in Society and History [London], 27, April 1985, 261-79. 

Blardone, G. "Development Strategy and Structural Adjust- 
ments — Alternative to IMF Policy: Application to Madagas- 
car and Tanzania," Canadian Journal of Development Studies 
[Ottawa], 13, No. 3, 1992, 433-42. 

Bloch, Maurice. From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in 
the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar. New York: 
Cambridge University Press, 1986. 

Bloch, Maurice. "The Implications of Marriage Rules and 
Descent: Categories for Merina Social Structure," American 
Anthropologist, 73, No. 1, February 1971, 164-77. 

Bloch, Maurice. "Marriage Amongst Equals: An Analysis of the 
Marriage Ceremony of the Merina of Madagascar," Man: The 
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute [London] , 13, No. 
1, March 1978, 21-33. 

Bloch, Maurice. "The Moral and Tactical Meaning of Kinship 
Terms," Man: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 
[London], 6, No. 1, March 1971, 79-87. 

Bloch, Maurice. Placing the Dead: Tombs, Ancestral Villages, and 
Kinship Organization in Madagascar. New York: Seminar Press, 
1971. 

Bloch, Maurice. Ritual, History, and Power: Selected Papers in 
Anthropology. Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Athlone Press, 
1989. 

Bloch, Maurice. "Social Implications of Freedom for Merina 
and Zafimaniry Slaves." Pages 269-97 in Raymond K. Kent 
(ed.), Madagascar in History: Essays from the 1970s. Albany, 
California: Foundation for Malagasy Studies, 1979. 

Bloch, Maurice. "Tombs and Conservatism among the Merina 
of Madagascar," Man: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological 
Institute [London], 3, No. 1, March 1968, 94-104. 



344 



Bibliography 



Bouillon, Antoine. Madagascar, le colonise et son dme: Essai sur le 
discovers psychologique colonial. Paris: Harmattan, 1981. 

Bradt, Hilary. Madagascar. Cincinnati: Seven Hills, 1989. 

Brown, Mervyn. Madagascar Rediscovered: A History from Early 
Times to Independence. Hamden, Connecticut: Archon Books, 
1979. 

Cadoux, Charles. "La constitution de la troisieme republique," 
Politique africaine [Paris], 52, December 1993, 58-66. 

Campbell, Gwyn. "The Adoption of Autarky in Imperial Mada- 
gascar, 1820-1835," Journal of African History [London], 28, 
No. 3,1987, 395-411. 

Campbell, Gwyn. "Currency Crisis, Missionaries, and the 
French Takeover in Madagascar, 1861-1895," International 
Journal of African Historical Studies, 21, No. 2, 1988, 273-89. 

Campbell, Gwyn. "An Industrial Experiment in Precolonial 
Africa: The Case of Imperial Madagascar, 1825-1861," Jour- 
nal of Southern African Studies [London], 17, No. 3, 1991, 
525-59. 

Campbell, Gwyn. Missionaries andFanompoana in Late Nineteenth- 
Century Madagascar. Johannesburg, South Africa: African 
Studies Institute, University of the Witwatersrand, 1987. 

Campbell, Gwyn. "Missionaries, Fanompoana, and the 
Menalamba Revolt in Late 19th-century Madagascar," Jour- 
nal of Southern African Studies [London], 15, No. 1, 1988, 54— 
73. " 

Campbell, Gwyn. "Slavery and Fanompoana: The Structure of 
Forced Labour in Imerina (Madagascar), 1790-1861," Jour- 
nal of African History [London], 29, No. 3, 1988, 463-86. 

Campbell, Gwyn. "The State and Pre-Colonial Demographic 
History: The Case of Nineteenth-Century Madagascar," Jour- 
nal of African History [London], 32, No. 3, 1991, 415-45. 

Chaigneau, Pascal. Rivalites politiques et socialisme a Madagascar. 
Paris: CHEAM, 1985. 

Chazan-Gillig, Suzanne. La societe sakalave: Le Menabe dans la 
construction nationale malgache, 1947-1972. Paris: Editions de 
TOrstom, 1991. 

Covell, Maureen. Madagascar: Politics, Economics, and Society. 
New York: Frances Pinter, 1987. 



345 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Dahl, Otto Chr. Migration from Kalimantan to Madagascar. Oslo: 
Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture, Nor- 
wegian University Press, 1991. 

Deleris, Ferdinand. Ratsiraka: Socialisme et misere a Madagascar. 
Paris: Harmattan, 1986. 

Deschamps, Hubert. Histoire de Madagascar. (4th ed.) Paris: Edi- 
tions Berger-Levraut, 1972. 

Deschamps, Hubert, and Suzanne Vianes. Les malgaches du sud- 
est. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1959. 

Desjeux, Dominique. La question agraire a Madagascar: Adminis- 
tration et paysannat de 1895 a no s jours. Paris: Harmattan, 
1979. 

Direction of Trade Statistics Yearbook, 1986. Washington: Interna- 
tional Monetary Fund, 1986. 

Direction of Trade Statistics Yearbook, 1993. Washington: Interna- 
tional Monetary Fund, 1993. 

Dorosh, Paul A. Macroeconomic Adjustment and the Poor: The Case 
of Madagascar. Ithaca, New York: Cornell Food and Nutrition 
Policy Program, 1990. 

DuBois, Robert. Olombelona: Essai sur V existence personnelle et col- 
lective a Madagascar. Paris: Harmattan, 1978. 

Duncan, Alex, and John Howell (eds.). Structural Adjustment 
and the African Farmer. Portsmouth, New Hampshire: Heine- 
mann, 1992. 

Durufle, Gilles. L'ajustement structurel en Afrique: Senegal, Cote 
d'lvoire, Madagascar. Paris: Karthala, 1988. 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Profile: Madagascar (annu- 
als 1986-1987 through 1994-1995). London: 1986-94. 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Report: Madagascar, Mauri- 
tius, Seychelles, Comoros [London], Nos. 1-4, 1986-92. 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Report: Madagascar, Mauri- 
tius, Seychelles [London], Nos. 1-4, 1993. 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Report: Madagascar, Mauri- 
tius, Seychelles [London], Nos. 1-2, 1994. 

Ellis, Stephen D.K. The Rising of the Red Shawls: A Revolt in Mada- 
gascar, 1895-1899. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 
1985. 

Ellis, Stephen D.K. Un complot colonial a Madagascar: L' affaire 
Rainandriamampandry. Paris: Karthala, 1990. 



346 



Bibliography 



Fanomezantsoa, Anselme. "Le regicide ambigu ou mouvement 
de 1991 vu de Tamatave," Politique africaine [Paris], 52, 
December 1993, 40-49. 

Feeley-Harnik, Gillian. "Divine Kingship and the Meaning of 
History among the Sakalava of Madagascar," Man: The Jour- 
nal of the Royal Anthropological Institute [London], 13, No. 3, 
September 1978, 402-17. 

Feeley-Harnik, Gillian. A Green Estate: Restoring Independence in 
Madagascar. Washington: Smithsonian Press, 1991. 

Feeley-Harnik, Gillian. "The Political Economy of Death: Com- 
munication and Change in Malagasy Colonial History," Amer- 
ican Ethnologist, 11, 1984, 1-19. 

Fujisaka, Sam. Agroecosystem and Farmer Practices and Knowledge in 
Madagascar's Central Highland: Toward Improved Rice-Based Sys- 
tem Research. Manila: International Rice Research Institute, 
1990. 

Georges, C. "Resistance and Initiative in Madagascar," Interna- 
tional Review of Education [Dordrecht, The Netherlands], 39, 
Nos. 1-2, 1993, 102-8. 

Gow, Bonar A. Madagascar and the Protestant Impact. New York: 
Holmes and Meier, 1980. 

Greenaway, D., and C. Milner. "Industrial Incentives, Domestic 
Resource Costs, and Resource Allocation in Madagascar," 
Applied Economics [London], 22, No. 6, 1990, 805-21. 

Guilcher, Andre, and Rene Battistini. Madagascar: Geographie 
regionale. Paris: Centre de documentation universitaire, 1967. 

Heseltine, Nigel. Madagascar. New York: Praeger, 1971. 

Hewitt, Adrian. "Madagascar." Pages 86-112 in Alex Duncan 
and John Howell (eds.), Structural Adjustment and the African 
Farmer. Portsmouth, New Hampshire: Heinemann, 1992. 

Hugon, Philippe. "L'evolution economique de Madagascar de 

la l re a la 2 e republique," Revue frangaise d' etudes politiques 
africaines [Dakar, Senegal], 143, November 1977, 26-57. 

Huntington, Richard. Gender and Social Structure in Madagascar. 
Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987. 

Jarosz, L. "Women as Rice Sharecroppers in Madagascar," Soci- 
ety and Natural Resources, 4, No. 1, 1991, 53-63. 

Jolly, Alison. Madagascar. Tarrytown, New York: Pergamon 
Press, 1984. 



347 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Jolly, Alison. A World Like Our Own: Men and Nature in Madagas- 
car. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980. 

Jolly, Alison, Philippe Oberle, and Roland Albignac (eds.) 
Madagascar. New York: Pergamon Press, 1984. 

Kent, Raymond K. Early Kingdoms in Madagascar, 1500-1 700. 
New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1970. 

Kent, Raymond K. From Madagascar to the Malagasy Republic. 
Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1976. 

Kent, Raymond K. "The Possibilities of Indonesian Colonies in 
Africa with Special Reference to Madagascar." Pages 93-105 
in Mouvements de populations dans V Ocean Indien. Paris: Hon- 
ore Champion, 1979. 

Kent, Raymond K. (ed.). Madagascar in History: Essays from the 
1970s. Albany, California: Foundation for Malagasy Studies, 
1979. 

Koenig, Jean-Paul. Malagasy Customs and Proverbs. Serbrooke, 
Quebec, Canada: Naaman, 1984. 

Kottak, Conrad P. Madagascar: Society and History. Durham: 
Carolina Academic Press, 1986. 

Kottak, Conrad P. The Past in the Present: History, Ecology, and Cul- 
tural Variation in Highland Madagascar. Ann Arbor: University 
of Michigan Press, 1980. 

Kottak, Conrad P. "Social Groups and Kinship Calculation 
among the Southern Betsileo," American Anthropologist, 73, 
No. 1, February 1971, 178-92. 

Lambek, Michael. "Taboo as Cultural Practice among Malagasy 
Speakers," Man: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Insti- 
tute [London] , 27, 1992, 245-66. 

Larson, Pier M. Slavery in Central Madagascar: Imerina During the 
Nineteenth Century. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 
1987. 

Leisinger, K.M. "Multinational Companies and Agricultural 
Development: A Case Study of Taona Zina in Madagascar," 
Food Policy [Gloucester, United Kingdom], 12, No. 3, 1987, 
227-41. 

Little, Henry William. Madagascar: Its History and People. West- 
port, Connecticut: Negro Universities Press, 1970. 

Lombard, Jacques. Le royaume Sakalava du Menabe, 17 e -2(f: 
Essai d' analyse d'un systeme politique a Madagascar. Paris: Edi- 
tions de l'Orstom, 1988. 



348 



Bibliography 



"Madagascar: La malgachisation en question," Revue francaise 
d' etudes politiques africaines [Dakar, Senegal], 85, January 
1973,29-32. 

"Malagasy: The Road to Socialism," Africa [London], 109, Sep- 
tember 1980, 28-33. 

Mangold, Max. A Pronouncing Dictionary of Malagasy Place 
Names. Hamburg, Germany: H. Buske, 1982. 

Meldrum, Andrew. "Madagascar: Trouble in Paradise," Africa 
Report, 39, No. 2, March-April 1994, 61-63. 

Mouvements depopulations dans V Ocean Indien: Actes du 4e Congres 
de ^Association Historique Internationale de V Ocean Indien et du 
14e Colloque de la Commission Internationale d'Histoire Maritime 
a Reunion, 1972. Paris: Champion, 1979. 

Mukonoweshuro, Eliphas G. "State Resilience and Chronic 
Political Instability in Madagascar," Canadian Journal of Afri- 
can Studies [Toronto], 24, No. 3, 1990, 376-98. 

Murphy, Dervla. Muddling Through in Madagascar. New York: 
Overlook Press, 1990. 

Oberle, Philippe. Tananarive et I'lmerina: Description historique et 
touristique. Antananarivo: 1976. 

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. 
Geographical Distribution of Financial Flows to Developing Coun- 
tries. Paris: 1981. 

Ottino, Paul. L'etrangere intime: Essai d' anthropologic de la civilisa- 
tion de I'ancien Madagascar. Paris: Editions des archives con- 
temporaries, 1986. 

Paillard, Yvan-Georges. "Demographic Research on Madagas- 
car at the Beginning of the Colonial Period and Ami Docu- 
ments," Cahiers d 'etudes africaines [Paris], 37, No. 1-2, 1987, 
17-42. 

Paillard, Yvan-Georges. "The First and Second Malagasy Repub- 
lics: The Difficult Road of Independence." Pages 298-354 in 
Raymond K. Kent (ed.), Madagascar in History: Essays from the 
1970s. Albany, California: Foundation for Malagasy Studies, 
1979. 

Pavageau, Jean. Jeunes paysans sans terre, I'exemple malgache: Une 
communaute villageoise en periode revolutionnaire. Paris: Harmat- 
tan, 1981. 

Pearson, Mike Parker. "Tombs and Monumentality in Southern 
Madagascar: Preliminary Results of the Central Androy Sur- 



349 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

vey," Antiquity [Gloucester, United Kingdom], 11, 1992, 941- 
48. 

Poirier, Jean. "Les groupes ethniques de Madagascar," Revue 
francaise d' etudes politiques africaines [Dakar, Senegal], 100, 
April 1974, 31-40. 

Poirier, Jean. "Problemes de la mise en place des couches eth- 
niques et des couches culturelles a Madagascar." Pages 51-59 
in Mouvements de populations dans I' Ocean Indien. Paris: Cham- 
pion, 1979. 

Price, Arnold H. (ed.). Missionary to the Malagasy: The Madagas- 
car Diary of the Rev. Charles T. Price, 1875-1877. New York: P. 
Lang, 1989. 

Pryor, Frederic L. "Changes in Income Distribution in Poor 
Agricultural Nations: Malawi and Madagascar," Economic 
Development and Cultural Change, 39, 1990, 23-45. 

Pryor, Frederic L. Malawi and Madagascar. New York: Oxford 
University Press, 1990. 

Pryor, Frederic L. Poverty, Equity, and Growth in Malawi and 
Madagascar. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991. 

Rabenoro, Cesaire. Les relations exterieures de Madagascar: De 
1960 a 1972. Paris: Harmattan, 1986. 

Rabetafika, Roger. Reforme jiscale et revolution socialiste a Madagas- 
car. Paris: Harmattan, 1990. 

Rabevazaha, C. "Control of Development by the People: 
Regional Planning and Basic Needs in Madagascar," Interna- 
tional Labour Review [Geneva], 110, July/ August 1981, 439- 
52. 

Raison, Jean Pierre. "Une esquisse de geographic electorate 
malgache," Politique africaine [Paris], 52, December 1993, 67- 
75. 

Raison, Jean Pierre. Les hautes terres de Madagascar et leurs confins 
occidentaux: Enracinement et mobilite des societes rurales. Paris: 
Karthala, 1984. 

Raison-Jourde, Francoise. Bible et pouvoir a Madagascar au XIXe 
siecle: Invention d'une identite chretienne et construction de Vetat, 
1780-1880. Paris: Karthala, 1991. 

Raison Jourde, Francoise. Les souverains de Madagascar: L'histoire 
royale et ses resurgences contemporaines. Paris: Karthala, 1983. 



350 



Bibliography 



Raison-Jourde, Francoise. "Une transition achevee ou 
amorcee?" Politique africaine [Paris], 52, December 1993, 6- 
18. 

Rajoelina, Patrick. Madagascar, la grande tie. Paris: Harmattan, 
1989. 

Rajoelina, Patrick. Quarante annees de la vie politique de Madagas- 
car, 1947-1987. Paris: Harmattan, 1988. 

Rakotondrabe, Daniela T. "Essai sur les non-dits du discours 
federaliste," Politique africaine [Paris], 52, December 1993, 
50-57. 

Ramahatra, Olivier. Madagascar: Une economie en phase d'ajuste- 
ment. Paris: Harmattan, 1989. 

Razafindrakoto, Andre. "Educational Reform and Decentrali- 
zation: An Example from Madagascar." Pages 201-11 in Edu- 
cational Reforms: Experiences and Prospects. Paris: United 
Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, 
1979. 

Razafindratandra, Yvan. "Le regime malgache de zone 
franche," Politique africaine [Paris], 52, December 1993, 19- 
21. 

Richardson, Freida. Madagascar's Miracle Story. Hazlewood, Mis- 
souri: Word Aflame Press, 1989. 

Ruud, Jorgen. Taboo: A Study of Malagasy Customs and Beliefs. 
Oslo: Oslo University Press, 1960. 

Serre-Ratsimandisa, Georges. "Theorie et practique du 
'Fokonolona' moderne a Madagascar." Canadian Journal of 
African Studies [Toronto], 12, No. 1, 1978, 37-58. 

Sharp, Lesley A. "Possessed and Dispossessed Youth: Spirit Pos- 
session of School Children in Northwest Madagascar," Cul- 
ture, Medicine, and Psychiatry [Dordrecht, The Netherlands] , 
14, No. 3, 1990, 339-64. 

Sharp, Lesley A. The Possessed and the Dispossessed: Spirits, Identity, 
and Power in a Madagascar Migrant Town. Berkeley: University 
of California Press, 1993. 

Shuttleworth, Graham. "Policies in Transition: Lessons from 
Madagascar," World Development [Oxford], 17, 1989, 397-408. 

Smith, F. Graeme. Triumph in Death: The Story of the Malagasy 
Martyrs. Phillipsburg, New Jersey: Presbyterian and 
Reformed Publishing, 1987. 



351 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Southall, Aidan. "Ideology and Group Composition in Mada- 
gascar," American Anthropologist, 73, No. 1, February 1971, 
144-63. 

Spacensky, Alain. Madagascar: 50 ans de vie politique. Paris: Nouv- 
elles editions latines, 1970. 

Steedman, Charles. Do Telecommunications and Air/Sea Transport 
Problems Limit Madagascar's Exports'? Ann Arbor: Center for 
Research on Economic Development, University of Michi- 
gan, 1993. 

Stevens, Rita. Madagascar. New York: Chelsea House, 1988. 

Szal, Richard. An Agrarian Crisis in Madagascar? Geneva: Inter- 
national Labour Office, 1987. 

Szal, Richard. "Is There an Agrarian Crisis in Madagascar?" 
International Labour Review [Geneva], 127, No. 6, 1988, 735- 
60. 

Thompson, Virginia, and Richard Adloff. The Malagasy Repub- 
lic: Madagascar Today. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 
1965. 

Turcotte, Denis. La politique linguistique en Afrique francophone: 
Une etude comparative de la Cote d'lvoire et de Madagascar. Que- 
bec: Presse de l'Universite Laval, 1981. 

Urfer, Sylvain. "Quand les eglises entrent en politique," Poli- 
tique africaine [Paris], 52, December 1993, 31-39. 

Verin, Pierre. The History of Civilization in North Madagascar. 
Brookfield, Vermont: Ashgate, 1986. 

Verin, Pierre. Madagascar. Paris: Karthala, 1990. 

Wilson, Peter J. Freedom by a Hair's Breath: Tsimihety in Madagas- 
car. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992. 

Wilson, Peter J. "Sentimental Structure: Tsimihety Migration 
and Descent," American Anthropologist, 73, No. 1, February 
1971, 193-208. 

(Various issues of the following publications also were used 
in the preparation of this chapter: Africa Research Bulletin 
[Oxford, United Kingdom]; and Indian Ocean Newsletter 
[Paris]). 

Chapter 2 

Action Plan for the Sugar Industry, 1985-1990. Port Louis: Mauri- 
tius Sugar Authority, 1985. 



352 



Bibliography 



Alladin, Ibrahim M. Economic Miracle in the Indian Ocean: Can 
Mauritius Show the Way} Rose Hill, Mauritius: Editions de 
l'Ocean Indien, 1993. 

Alladin, Ibrahim M. Education and Neocolonialism: A Study of Edu- 
cational Development in Mauritius. New York: Lang, 1990. 

Anand, J.P. "Mauritius," IDSA (Institute for Defence Studies and 
Analyses) Journal [New Delhi], 11, October-December 1978, 
165-82. 

Aneerood Jugnauth: Le premier ministre du changement. Port Louis: 
Nouveau Militant, 1982. 

Baker, Kenneth. Trade Unionism in Mauritius. Port Louis: J. E. 
Felix, Acting Government Printer, 1946. 

Barnwell, P.J. Visits and Despatches: Mauritius, 1598-1948. Port 
Louis: Standard Printing Establishment, 1948. 

Barnwell, P.J., and Auguste Toussaint. A Short History of Mauri- 
tius. London: Longmans, Green, 1949. 

Benedict, Burton. Indians in a Plural Society: A Report on Mauri- 
tius. London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1961. 

Benedict, Burton. Mauritius: Problems of a Plural Society. London: 
Pall Mall, 1965. 

Bissoonoyal, Basdeo. A Concise History of Mauritius. Bombay: 
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1963. 

Bissoonoyal, Basdeo. The Truth About Mauritius. Bombay: 
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1968. 

Bowman, Larry W. Mauritius: Democracy and Development in the 
Indian Ocean. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1991. 

Callikan, D., and M.K. Gundooa (eds.). The Mauritius Hand- 
book. Port Louis: Government Printing Office, 1989. 

Chandrasekhar, Sripati. The Population of Mauritius: Fact, Prob- 
lem, and Policy. La Jolla, California: Population Review Books, 
1990. 

Dassyne, Rajen, Mahmood A. Mansour, Kishone Mundile, and 
Palma Veerapen. Regards sur le monde rural mauricien. Port 
Louis: ENDA-Ocean Indien, 1981. 

Dinan, Monique. The Mauritian Kaleidoscope: Languages and Reli- 
gions. Port Louis: Best Graphics, 1986. 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Profile: Mauritius, Seychelles 
(annuals 1986-1987 through 1994-1995). London: 1986-94. 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Report: Madagascar, Mauri- 
tius, Seychelles, Comoros [London], Nos. 1-4, 1986-92. 



353 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Report: Madagascar, Mauri- 
tius, Seychelles [London], Nos. 1-4, 1993. 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Report: Madagascar, Mauri- 
tius, Seychelles [London], Nos. 1-2, 1994. 

Fanchette, Regis, and Pierre Argo. Maurice: A Vaube de Van 
2000s. Rose Hill, Mauritius: Editions de l'Ocean Indien, 
1992. 

Fanchette, Regis, and Pierre Argo. Mauritius: Stepping into the 
Future. Rose Hill, Mauritius: Editions de l'Ocean Indien, 
1988. 

Gulhati, Ravi, and Raj Nallari. Successful Stabilization and Recov- 
ery in Mauritius. Washington: World Bank, 1990. 

Hazareesingh, K. (ed.). Selected Speeches of Seewoosaqur Ram- 
goolam. London: Macmillan, 1979. 

Hazareesingh, K. (ed.). History of Indians in Mauritius. London: 
Mauritius, 1975. 

Hollingsworth, Derek. They Came to Mauritius. London: Oxford 
University Press, 1965. 

Houbert, Jean. "Mauritius: Independence and Dependence," 
Journal of Modern African Studies [Cambridge], 19, No. 1, 
1981,75-105. 

Houbert, Jean. "Mauritius: Politics and Pluralism at the Periph- 
ery," Annuaire des Pays de l'Ocean Indien [Aix-en-Provence] , 9, 
1982-83, 225-65. 

Jones, P., and B. Andrews. A Taste of Mauritius. London: Mac- 
millan, 1982. 

Jugnauth, Aneerood. Peace, Development, and Self-Reliance, 1982- 
1985. Rose Hill, Mauritius: Editions de l'Ocean Indien, 1986. 

Lamusse, Roland. The Breakthrough in Export Processing Industri- 
alization in Mauritius. Boston: African-American Issues Cen- 
ter, 1986. 

Latham-Koenig, Alfred. "Mauritius: Political Volteface in the 

'Star of the Indian Ocean'," Round Table [London], 290, 

April 1984, 166-73. 
Lehembre, B. LIU Maurice. Paris: Karthala, 1984. 
Leymarie, Philippe. "L'lle Maurice: La constitution 

manipulee," Revue f ran caise d' etudes politiques africaines 

[Paris], 8, No. 96, 1973, 24-27. 



354 



Bibliography 



Leymarie, Philippe. "La presse de Tile Maurice et de I'lle de la 

Reunion," Revue francaise d 'etudes politiques africaines [Paris], 

8, No. 88, 1973, 74-89. 
McCarry, John. "Mauritius: Island of Quiet Success," National 

Geographic, April 1993, 116-32. 
Mahta, Shiv Rattan. Social Development in Mauritius: A Study on 

Rural Modernization in an Island Community. New Delhi: Wiley 

Eastern, 1981. 

Mannick, A.R. Mauritius: Development of a Plural Society. Notting- 
ham, United Kingdom: Spokesman, 1979. 

Mannick, A.R. Mauritius: The Politics of Change. Mayfield, United 
Kingdom: Dodo, 1989. 

Mauritius. Ministry of Information. The Mauritius Handbook. 
Port Louis: 1989. 

Mauritius: Managing Success. Washington: World Bank, 1989. 

Meade, J. E., et al. The Economic and Social Structure of Mauritius. 
London: Frank Cass, 1968. 

Napal, D. British Mauritius, 1810-1948. Port Louis: Hart Pub- 
lishing, 1984. 

Ramdoyal, Ramesh Dutt. The Development of Education in Mauri- 
tius, 1710-1976. Reduit: Mauritius Institute of Education, 
1977. 

Ramgoolam, Seewoosagur. Our Freedom. New Delhi: Vision 
Books, 1982. 

Ramgoolam, Seewoosagur. Our Struggle: 20th Century Mauritius. 
New Delhi: Vision Books, 1982. 

Riviere, Lindsay. Historical Dictionary of Mauritius. Metuchen, 
New Jersey: Scarecrow Press, 1982. 

Sambasiva Rao, Goparaju. A Sociolinguistic Survey of Mauritius. 
Mysore, India: Central Institute of Indian Languages, 1989. 

Scott, Robert. Limuria: The Lesser Dependencies of Mauritius. Lon- 
don: Oxford University Press, 1961. 

Selvon, Sydney. Ramgoolam. Port Louis: Editions de l'Ocean 
Indien, 1986. 

Shillington, Kevin. Jugnauth. London: Macmillan, 1991. 

Simmons, Adele Smith. Modern Mauritius: The Politics of Decolo- 
nization. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982. 

"Special Maurice," Marches tropicaux et mediterraneens [Paris], 
No. 2463, January 22, 1993, 204-30. 



355 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Titmiss, Richard M., and Brian Abel-Smith assisted by Tony 
Lynes. Social Policies and Population Growth in Mauritius. Lon- 
don: Methuen, 1961. 

Toussaint, Auguste. Bibliography of Mauritius, 1502-1924. Port 
Louis: Esclapon, 1956. 

Toussaint, Auguste. History of Mauritius. London: Macmillan, 
1977. 

Toussaint, Auguste. Port Louis: A Tropical City. London: George 

Allen and Unwin, 1973. 
Virashawmy, Raji. State Policies and Agriculture in Africa: The Case 

of Mauritius. Addis Ababa: Institute of Development 

Research, 1984. 

Walker, Iain. Zaffer Pe Senze: Ethnic Identity and Social Change 
Among the Hois in Mauritius. Vacoas: KMLI, 1986. 

Wright, Carol. Mauritius. Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 
1974. 

(Various issues of the following publications also were used 
in the preparation of this chapter: Africa Analysis [London]; 
Africa Confidential [London] ; Africa Economic Digest [London] ; 
Africa Events [London]; Africa Research Bulletin (Political, Social, 
and Cultural Series) [Oxford, United Kingdom] ; African Busi- 
ness [London]; Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily 
Report: Sub-Saharan Africa; Indian Ocean Newsletter [Paris] ; Indian 
Ocean Review [Perth]; Journal of Mauritius Studies [Moka]; 
Marches tropicaux et mediterraneens [Paris]; Mauritian Interna- 
tional [London] ; and New African [London] ) . 

Chapter 3 

Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents, 1983- 

84. (Ed., Colin Legum.) New York: Africana, 1984. 

Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents, 1 984- 

85. (Ed., Colin Legum.) New York: Africana, 1985. 

Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents, 1 985- 

86. (Ed., Colin Legum.) New York: Africana, 1986. 

Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents, 1 986- 

87. (Ed., Colin Legum.) New York: Africana, 1987. 

Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents, 1987- 

88. (Eds., Colin Legum and Marion E. Doro.) New York: 
Africana, 1988. 



356 



Bibliography 

Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents, 1988- 
89. (Eds., Colin Legum and Marion E. Doro.) New York: 
Africana, 1989. 

African South of the Sahara, 1994. (23d ed.) London: Europa, 
1993. 

Africa's Development Challenges and the World Bank: Hard Ques- 
tions, Costly Choices. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner, 1988. 

Amnesty International. Amnesty International Report, 1993. Lon- 
don: 1993. 

Baum, Dan. "The Comoros Connection," Africa Report, 34, No. 

1, January-February 1989, 49. 
Bouvet, Henri. Les problemes de formation aux Comores. Paris: Insti- 

tut national des langues et civilisations orientales, 1985. 
Boxhall, Peter. "Arabian Seafarers in the Indian Ocean," Asian 

Affairs [London], 20, 1989, 287-95. 
Carver, Richard. "Called to Account: How African Govern- 
ments Investigate Human Right Violations," African Affairs 

[London], No. 89, July 1990, 391-415. 
Charpantier, Jean. "Le pouvoir d'Ali Soilih Ngazidja, 1975- 

1978," L'Afrique et VAsie moderne [Paris], No. 157, 1988, 70- 

89. 

Charpantier, Jean. "Le regime d'Ali Soilih Moroni, 1975-1978: 
Analyse structurelle (premiere partie)," Le mois en Afrique: 
Etudes politiques, economiques, et sociologiques africaines [Paris] , 
Nos. 219-220, 1984, 32-50. 

Charpantier, Jean. "Le regime d'Ali Soilih Moroni, 1975-1978: 
Analyse structurelle (deuxieme partie)," Le mois en Afrique: 
Etudes politiques, economiques, et sociologiques africaines [Paris] , 
Nos. 221-222, 1984, 3-22. 

Charpantier, Jean. "Le regime d'Ali Soilih Moroni, 1975-1978: 
Analyse structurelle (troisieme partie)," Le mois en Afrique: 
Etudes politiques, economiques et sociologiques africaines [Paris], 
Nos. 223-224, 1984, 29-47. 

Church, R.J. Harrison. "The Comoros." Pages 277-88 in Africa 
South of the Sahara, 1994. (23d ed.) London: Europa, 1993. 

Comoros. Constitution. Moroni: 1992. 

Contes et mythes de Madagascar et des Comores. Paris: Institut 

national des langues et civilisations orientales, 1987. 
Culture des lies et developpement. Paris: UNESCO, 1991. 



357 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Damir, Ben Ali. Traditions d'une ligne royale des Comores. Paris: 

Harmattan, 1985. 
Davis, Bruce E. "Quality of Life in Small Island Nations in the 

Indian Ocean," Human Ecology, 14, No. 4, 1986, 453-71. 
Decracne, Philippe. "LArchipel des Comores face a la montee 

des perils," L'Afrique et I'Asie moderne [Paris], No. 159, 1988- 

89,52-61. 

Documents comoriens (annual). Paris: Institut national des 

langues et civilisations orientales, 1982-93. 
Education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Policies for Adjustment, Revitaliza- 

tion, and Expansion. Washington: World Bank, 1988. 
Etudes sur les Comores et I'Islam en I'honneur de Paul Guy. Paris: 

Institut national des langues et civilisations orientales, 1985. 
Flobert, Thierry. Les Comores: Evolution juridique et sociopolitique. 

(Travaux et memoires de la Faculte de Droit et de Science 

Politique d'Aix-Marseilles.) Aix-marseilles: Centre d'etudes 

et de recherches sur les societes de l'Ocean Indien, 1976. 
Gaspart, Claude. "The Comoro Islands since Independence: 

An Economic Appraisal," Civilisations [Brussels] , 29, Nos. 3- 

4, 1979, 293-311. 
Griffin, Michael. "The Perfumed Isles," Geographical Magazine 

[London] , No. 58, October 1986, 524-27. 
Griffin, Michael. "The Politics of Isolation," Africa Report, 33, 

No. 1, January-February 1988, 52-55. 
Harrison, Selig S., and K. Subrahmanyam (eds.). Superpower 

Rivalry in the Indian Ocean: Indian and American Perspectives. 

London: Oxford University Press, 1989. 
Hartley, Aidan. "Paradise Lost," Africa Report, 35, No. 2, March- 
April 1990, 37-40. 
Martin, B.G. "Arab Migrations to East Africa in Medieval 

Times," International Journal of African Historical Studies, 7, No. 

3, 1974, 367-90. 
Martin, Jean. "L'affranchissement des esclaves de Mayotte, 

decembre 1846-juillet 1847," Cahiers des etudes africaines 

[Paris] , 16, Nos. 1-2, 1976, 207-33. 
Martin, Jean. "Les debuts du protectorat et la revolte servile de 

1891 dans rile d'Anjouan," Revue francaise d'histoire d'outre- 

mer [Paris], 60, No. 218, 1973, 45-85. 
Moines, Jacques. "Ocean Indien et progressisme," L'Afrique et 

I'Asie moderne [Paris], No. 123, 1979, 3-23. 



358 



Bibliography 



Mukonoweshuro, Eliphas G. "The Politics of Squalor and 
Dependency: Chronic Political Instability and Economic 
Collapse in the Comoro Islands," African Affairs [London], 
No. 89, October 1990, 555-77. 

Newitt, Malyn. "The Comoro Islands in Indian Oceans Trade 
Before the 19th Century," Cahiers des etudes africaines [Paris], 
23, Nos. 1-2, 1983. 

Newitt, Malyn. The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in 
the Indian Ocean. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1984. 

Ostheimer, John M. "Political Development in Comoros," Afri- 
can Review [Dar-es-Salaam], 3, No. 3, 1973, 491-506. 

Ottenheimer, Martin. "The Use of Comorian Documents," His- 
tory in Africa, 12, 1985, 349-55. 

Rais, Rasul B. The Indian Ocean and the Superpowers: Economic, 
Political, and Strategic Perspectives. Totowa, New Jersey: Barnes 
and Noble, 1987. " 

"Rediscovering the Islands of the Moon," The Courier 
(UNESCO) [Paris], 42, March 1989, 31-32. 

Richmond, Edmun B. Language Teaching in the Indian Ocean: 
Policy and Pedagogy in Three Developing Nations: A Study of the 
Formation of National Language Policies in Comoros, Mauritius, 
and Seychelles. Lanham: University Press of America, 1983. 

Robineau, Claude. "Jeunesse, religion des revolutions: 
Inexperience comorienne (1975-1978)," Cahier des sciences 
humaines [Paris], 21, Nos. 2-3, 1985, 187-96. 

Rozika,Jill. "After the Decade," Africa Report, 30, No. 5, Septem- 
ber-October 1985, 75-81. 

Saint-Alban, Cedric. "Les partis politiques comoriens entre la 
modernite et la tradition," Revue francaise d' etudes politiques 
africaines [Dakar, Senegal], 8, No. 94, 1973, 76-88. 

Sasseen, Jane. "Out of Africa (France's Assiduously Cultivated 
Links with Its Former Colonies in Africa Brought Little 
Return)," International Management (European ed.), 47, May 
1992, 69-70. 

Schultz, Patrick. "Le statut constitutionnel et administratif de 

Mayotte," Penant: Revue de droit des pays d'Afrique [Paris], 96, 

Nos. 790-791, January-July 1986, 97-128. 
Shepherd, George W., Jr. The Trampled Grass: Tributary States 

and Self-Reliance in the Indian Ocean Zone of Peace. New York: 

Praeger, 1987. 



359 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

"Status of Women in 99 Countries: Population Crisis Commit- 
tee Briefing Paper," American Journal of Public Health, 78, 
October 1988, 1325. 

Sub-Saharan Africa, from Crisis to Sustainable Growth: A Long-Term 
Perspective Study. Washington: World Bank, 1989. 

Terrill, W. Andrew. "The Comoro Islands in South African 
Regional Strategy," Africa Today, 33, No. 2, 2d/3d quarters 
1986, 59-70. 

United States. Department of State. Bureau of Public Affairs. 
Background Notes: Comoros. (Department of State Publication 
No. 8963.) Washington: GPO, 1992. 

Vasilyev, R. "Winds of Change Over the Comoro Islands," Inter- 
national Affairs [Moscow], No. 10, 1976, 105-09. 

Venter, Denis. "The Comorian Comitragedy: Final Curtain on 
Abdallahism?," Africa Insight [Johannesburg], 20, No. 3, 
1990, 141-50. 

Watremez, Emmanuel. "The Satirical Press in Francophone 
Africa," Index on Censorship [London], 21, No. 10, October 
1992, 34-36. 

Welch, Claude E., Jr. "The Organisation of African Unity and 
the Promotion of Human Rights," Journal of Modern African 
Studies [London], 29, December 1991, 535-55. 

Willox, Robert. Maldives and Islands of the East Indian Ocean: A 
Travel Survival Kit. Berkeley, California: Lonely Planet, 1990. 

World Bank. African Development Indicators. Washington: 1992. 

World Bank. African Economic and Financial Data. Washington: 
1989. 

World Bank. The Comoros: Problems and Prospects of a Small, Island 

Economy. Washington, 1979. 
World Bank. Social Indicators of Development, 1993. Baltimore: 

Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993. 

(Various issues of the following publications also were used 
in the preparation of this chapter: Africa Analysis [London]; 
Africa Confidential [London]; Africa Events [London]; Africa 
Research Bulletin [Oxford, United Kingdom]; he Monde [Paris]; 
New York Times, Times [London], and Washington Post) . 



360 



Bibliography 



Chapter 4 

Anand, J.P. "The Seychelles Group: A Profile," IDSA (Institute for 
Defence Studies and Analyses) Journal [New Delhi], 11, Janu- 
ary-March 1979, 287-302. 

Belling, L.N. Seychelles: Island of Love. Boulogne: Delroise, 1971. 

Benedict, Burton. People of the Seychelles. London: Her Majesty's 
Stationery Office, 1966. 

Benedict, Marion, and Burton Benedict. Men, Women, and 
Money in the Seychelles. Berkeley: University of California 
Press, 1982. 

Bradley, J.T. History of Seychelles. Victoria: Clarion Press, 1940. 
Central Bank of Seychelles. Annual Report. Victoria: 1984-93. 
Chloros, A.G. Codification in a Mixed Jurisdiction: The Civil and 

Commercial Law of Seychelles. Amsterdam, New York: North 

Holland, 1977. 

Cohen, Robin (ed.). African Islands and Enclaves. Beverly Hills, 
California: Sage, 1983. 

Commonwealth Observer Group. The Presidential and National 
Assembly Elections in Seychelles, 20-23 July, 1993. London: Com- 
monwealth Secretariat, 1993. 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Profile: Mauritius, Seychelles 
(annuals 1986-1987 through 1994-1995). London: 1986-94. 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Report: Madagascar, Mauri- 
tius, Seychelles, Comoros [London], Nos. 1-4, 1986-92. 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Report: Madagascar, Mauri- 
tius, Seychelles [London], Nos. 1-4, 1993. 

Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Report: Madagascar, Mauri- 
tius, Seychelles [London], Nos. 1-2, 1994. 

Filliot, Jean-Michel. Les Seychelles et la revolution francaise. Paris: 
ORSTOM, Institut francais de recherche scientifique pour le 
developpement en cooperation: Ministere de la cooperation 
et du developpement, 1989. 

Franda, Marcus F. Quiet Turbulence in the Seychelles: Tourism and 
Development. (American Field Staff Reports, Asia Series, No. 
10.) Hanover, New Hampshire, 1979. 

Franda, Marcus F. The Seychelles: Unquiet Islands. Boulder, Colo- 
rado: Westview Press, 1982. 

Gavshon, Arthur. "A Tilt to the West?" Africa Report, 28, No. 6, 
November-December 1983, 56-59. 



361 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Hoare, Mike. The Seychelles Affair. New York: Bantam Press, 
1986. 

International Monetary Fund. Seychelles: Recent Economic Develop- 
ments. Washington: 1983. 

Kaplinsky, Raphael. "Prospering at the Periphery: A Special 
Case — The Seychelles." Pages 195-216 in Robin Cohen 
(ed.), African Islands and Enclaves. Beverly Hills, California: 
Sage, 1983. 

Koechlin, Bernard (ed.). Les Seychelles et V Ocean Indien. Paris: 
Harmattan, 1984. 

Lee. C. Seychelles: Political Castaways. London: Hamish Hamil- 
ton, 1976. 

Levmarie, Phillipe. "Les Seychelles: Les v independantistes con- 

tre le tourisme sauvage,'" Revue frangaise d 'etudes politiques 

afncaines [Paris], 8, No. 95, 1973, 21-23. 
Lionnet, Guy. The Seychelles. Harrisburg: Stackpole. 1972. 
Mancham, James R. Island Spendour. London: Methuen, 1984. 
Mancham, James R. Paradise Raped: Life, Love, and Power in the 

Seychelles. London: Methuen, 1983. 
Mees, C.C. The Fishermen of Seychelles: Results of a Socio-economic 

Study of Seychelles Fishing Community. Mahe: Seychelles Fishing 

Authority, 1990. 
Moines, Jacques. "Les Seychelles: Beaucoup de bruit autour 

d'un si petit pays," L'Afrique et I'Asie moderne [Paris], No. 2, 

1977,39-51. 

Moines, Jacques. "Seychelles: Elements de la situation," 
L'Afrique et I'Asie moderne [Paris], No. 166, Fall 1990, 18-33. 

Mukonoweshuro, Eliphas G. "'Radicalism' and the Struggle for 
Affluence in the Seychelles," Scandinavian Journal of Develop- 
ment Alternatives [Stockholm], 10, March-June 1991, 139-71. 

Nwulia, Moses D.E. The History of Slavery in Mauritius and the Sey- 
chelles, 1810-1875. Rutherford, New Jersey: Fairleigh Dickin- 
son University Press, 1981. 

Ostheimer, John M. (ed.). The Politics of the Western Indian Ocean 
Islands. New York: Praeger, 1975. 

Rene, France Albert. Seychelles: The Xew Era. Victoria: Ministry 
of Education and Information. 1982. 

Rowe, JW T .F. Report on the Economy of the Seychelles and Its Future 
Development. Mahe: Goyernment Printer, 1959. 



362 



Bibliography 



Seychelles. Central Statistical Office. Seychelles Handbook. Mahe: 
1976. 

Seychelles. Management and Information Systems Division. 
1987 Census Report Victoria: 1991. 

Seychelles. Management and Information Systems Division. 
The Population of Seychelles: 1987-2012. Victoria: 1992. 

Seychelles. Ministry of Planning and External Relations. 
National Development Plan, 19 ] 90-94. Victoria: 1990. 

United States. Department of State. Country Reports on Human 
Rights Practices for 1991. (Report submitted to United States 
Congress, 102d, 2d Session, Senate, Committee on Foreign 
Relations, and House of Representatives, Committee on For- 
eign Affairs.) Washington: GPO, 1992. 

United States. Department of State. Country Reports on Human 
Rights Practices for 1992. (Report submitted to United States 
Congress, 103d, 1st Session, Senate, Committee on Foreign 
Relations, and House of Representatives, Committee on For- 
eign Affairs.) Washington: GPO, 1993. 

United States. Department of State. Country Reports on Human 
Rights Practices for 1993. (Report submitted to United States 
Congress, 103d, 2d Session, Senate, Committee on Foreign 
Relations, and House of Representatives, Committee on For- 
eign Affairs.) Washington: GPO, 1994. 

Vine, Peter. Seychelles. (2d ed.) London: Immel, 1992. 

(Various issues of the following publications also were used 
in the preparation of this chapter: Africa Analysis [London]; 
Africa Confidential [London]; Africa Economic Digest [London]; 
Africa Events [London]; Africa Report, Africa Research Bulletin 
(Political, Social, and Cultural Series) [Oxford, United King- 
dom]; African Business [London]; Foreign Broadcast Informa- 
tion Service, Daily Report: Sub-Saharan Africa', Economist 
[London] ; Indian Ocean Newsletter [Paris] ; Indian Ocean Review 
[Perth] ; Marches tropicaux et mediterraneens [Paris] ; and New Afri- 
can [London]). 

Chapter 5 

Abeysinghe, Arilya. "Development, Underdevelopment and 
Dependent Development in Atoll Environments of Selected 
Indian Ocean and South Pacific Basin Countries," Scandina- 



363 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



vian Journal of Development Alternatives [Stockholm], 6, 

December 1987, 125-42. 
Adeney, M., and Carr, W.K. "The Maldives Republic." In John 

M. Ostheimer (ed.), The Politics of the Western Indian Ocean 

Islands. New York: Praeger, 1975. 
Butany, W.T. Report on Agricultural Survey and Crop Production. 

Rome: United Nations Development Programme, 1974. 
Chawla, Subash. The New Maldives. Colombo, Sri Lanka: Diana, 

1986. 

The Encyclopedia of Islam. Leiden, the Netherlands: EJ. Brill, 
1993. 

The Far East and Australasia, 1993. (24th ed.) London: Europa, 
1992. 

The Far East and Australasia, 1994. (25th ed.) London: Europa, 
1993. 

Farmer, B.H. "Maldives: Physical and Social Geography." Pages 
543-50 in The Far East and Australasia, 1993. (24th ed.) Lon- 
don: Europa, 1993. 

Haaland, Gunnar. Evolution of Socio-economic Dualism in the 
Maldives. Bergen, Norway: Michelsen Institute, DERAP 
(Development Research and Action Program), 1987. 

Heyerdahl, Thor. The Maldive Mystery. London: Allen and 
Unwin, 1986. 

Lateef, K. An Introductory Economic Report. Washington: World 
Bank, 1980. 

Luthfi, M., and Zubair, H. Innovation in Primary School Construc- 
tion: Maldives Community Schools. Bangkok: UNESCO 
Regional Office for Education in Asia and the Pacific, 1987. 

The Maldive Islands: Monograph on the History, Archaeology, and 
Epigraphy. Colombo: Government Printer, 1940. 

Maldives. Department of Information and Broadcasting, The 
Constitution of the Republic of Maldives. (Unofficial translation; 
Trans., Ibrahim Hilmy Didi.) Male: 1975. 

Maldives. Department of Information and Broadcasting. 
Maldives: Development Cooperation. Male: 1989. 

Maldives. Department of Information and Broadcasting. 
Maldives: An Economic Brief. Male: 1985. 

Maldives. Department of Information and Broadcasting. 
Maldives: A Historical Overview. Male: 1985. 



364 



Bibliography 



Maldives. Department of Information and Broadcasting. 

Maldives: Social Development. Male: 1985. 
Maldives. Department of Information and Broadcasting. 

Maldives: Year Book, 1988. Male: 1988. 
Maloney, Clarence. People of the Maldive Islands. Bombay: Orient 

Longman, 1980. 
Maniku, Hassan Ahmed. Changes in the Topography of the 

Maldives. Maldives: Forum of Writers on the Environment, 

1990. 

Maniku, Hassan Ahmed. The Maldives: A Profile. Male: Depart- 
ment of Information and Broadcasting, 1977. 

Munch-Peterson, N.F. Background Paper for Population Needs Mis- 
sion. Rome: United Nations Development Programme, 1981. 

Phadnis, Urmila, and Ela Dutt Luithui. "The Maldives Enter 
World Politics," Asian Affairs, 8, January-February 1981, 
166-79. 

Phadnis, Urmila, and Ela Dutt Luithui. Maldives: Winds of 
Change in an Atoll State. New Delhi: South Asian, 1985. 

Reynolds, C.H.B. Linguistic Strands in the Maldives. London: 
School of Oriental and African Studies, 1978. 

Reynolds, C.H.B. The Maldive Islands. London: Royal Central 
Asian Society, 1974. 

Smallwood, C.A. Visit to the Maldive Islands. London: Royal Cen- 
tral Asian Society, 1961. 

UNESCO Principal Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific. 
Status of Women: Maldives. Bangkok: 1989. 

Webb, Paul A. Maldives: People and Environment. Male: Depart- 
ment of Information and Broadcasting, 1989. 

Williams, Freda Britt. Island World of Maldives. Male: Media 
Transasia (for Ministry of Tourism, Maldives), 1988. 

Willox, Robert. Maldives and Islands of the East Indian Ocean: A 
Travel Survival Kit. Berkeley, California: Lonely Planet, 1990. 

World Health Organization. Office of the WHO Representative 
to Maldives. Twenty-Four Monthly Report on Technical Aspects of 
Programme Implementation. Male: 1989. 

(Various issues of the following publications also were used 
in the preparation of this chapter: Africa Research Bulletin 
[Oxford, United Kingdom] ; Indian Ocean Newsletter [Paris] ; and 
Keesing's Contemporary Archives [Marlow, United Kingdom] .) 



365 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Chapter 6 

Africa South of the Sahara, 1994. (23d ed.) London: Europa, 
1993. 

Allen, Philip M. Security and Nationalism in the Indian Ocean: Les- 
sons from the Latin Quarter Islands. Boulder, Colorado: West- 
view Press, 1987. 

Archer, Robert. Madagascar depuis 1972: La marche d'une revolu- 
tion. Paris: Harmattan, 1976. 

Banerjee, B.N. Indian Ocean: A Whirlpool of Unrest. New Delhi: 
Paribus, 1988. 

Beazley, Kim C, and Ian Clark. The Politics of Intrusion: The Super 
Powers and the Indian Ocean. Sydney: Alternative Publishing, 
1979. 

Bezboruah, Monoranjan. U.S. Strategy in the Indian Ocean: The 

International Response. New York: Praeger, 1977. 
Bhasin, Vijay Kumar. Super Power Rivalry in the Indian Ocean. 

New Delhi: Chand, 1981. 
Bowman, Larry W., and Ian Clark (eds.). The Indian Ocean in 

Global Politics. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1981. 
Braun, Dieter. The Indian Ocean: Region of Conflict or "Peace 

Zone"? New York: St. Martins Press, 1983. 
Chauliac, G. "Contribution a l'etude medico-militaire de 

l'expedition de Madagascar en 1895," Bulletin de Madagascar 

[Tananarive], No. 240, May 1966, 411-41; No. 241, June 

1966, 507-51; and No. 242, July 1966, 624-40. 
Chellapermal, A. The Problem of Mauritius Sovereignty over the 

Chagos Archipelago and the Militarization of the Indian Ocean. 

Perth: University of Western Australia, 1984. 
Chipman, John. French Military Policy and African Security. (Adel- 

phi Papers No. 201.) London: International Institute for 

Strategic Studies, 1985. 
Chipman, John. French Power in Africa. Oxford: Blackwell, 1989. 
Clayton, Anthony. France, Soldiers, and Africa. London: Brassey's, 

1988. 

Clayton, Anthony. "Hazou, Fazou, Tazou — Forest, Fire, and 
Fever: The French Occupation of Madagascar." Pages 83- 
103 in A. Hamish Ion and E.J. Errington (eds.), Great Powers 
and Little Wars: The Limits of Power. Westport, Connecticut: 
Praeger, 1993. 



366 



Bibliography 



Cohen, Robin (ed.). African Islands and Enclaves. Beverly Hills, 

California: Sage, 1983. 
Condamy, Charles Auguste Louis Francois. Une methode de guerre 

coloniale: La conquete du Menabe a Madagascar, 1897-1900. 

Paris: Charles-Lavauzelle, 1906. 
Condamy, Charles Auguste Louis Francois. L' insurrection dans le 

sud Madagascar (1904-1905). Paris: Fournier, 1914. 
Copson, Raymond. "East Africa and the Indian Ocean: A 'Zone 

of Peace?" African Affairs [London], 76, No. 304 July 1977, 

339-58. 

Cottrell, Alvin J. Sea Power and Strategy in the Indian Ocean. Bev- 
erly Hills, California: Sage, 1981. 

Cottrell, Alvin J., and R.M. Burrell (eds.). The Indian Ocean: Its 
Political, Economic, and Military Importance. New York: Praeger, 
1972. 

Domingo, F.R. Les mauriciens dans la deuxieme guerre mondiale. 
Rose Hill, Mauritius: Editions de l'Ocean Indien, 1983. 

Dowdy, William L., and Russell B. Todd (eds.). The Indian 
Ocean: Perspectives on a Strategic Arena. Durham: Duke Univer- 
sity Press, 1985. 

Dower, Kenneth Cecil Gander. Into Madagascar. London: Pen- 
guin Books, 1943. 

Dower, Kenneth Cecil Gander. The King's African Rifles in Mada- 
gascar. Nairobi: East Africa Command, 1943. 

Duchesne, Jacques Charles Rene Achille. L' expedition de Mada- 
gascar. Paris: Charles-Lavauzelle, 1896. 

Ellis, Stephen D.K. "The Political Elite of Imerina and the 
Revolt of the Menelamba: The Creation of a Colonial Myth 
in Madagascar, 1895-1898 ," fournal of African History [Cam- 
bridge], 21, No. 2, 1980, 219-34. 

Ellis, Stephen D.K The Rising of the Red Shawls: A Revolt in Mada- 
gascar, 1895-1899. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 
1985. 

Escare, Alain. "Les militaires et le pouvoir a Madagascar de 
1960 a 1975," Les mois en Afrique [Paris], 18, Nos. 211-212, 
1983, 48-53. 

Esoavelomandroso, F.V. "Rainilaiarivony and the Defence of 
Malagasy Independence at the End of the Nineteenth Cen- 
tury." Pages 228-51 in Raymond K. Kent (ed.), Madagascar in 



367 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



History: Essays from the 1970s. Albany, California: Foundation 
for Malagasy Studies, 1979. 
Fuglestad, F., and J. Simensen (eds.). Norwegian Missions in Afri- 
can History, 2: Madagascar. Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 
1986. 

Gaudusson, Jean du Bois de. "Madagascar: A Case of Revolu- 
tionary Pragmatism." Pages 101-21 in John Markakis and 
Michael Waller (eds.), Military Marxist Regimes in Africa. Lon- 
don: Frank Cass, 1986. 

Harrison, Selig S., and K. Subrahmanyam (eds.). Superpower 
Rivalry in the Indian Ocean: Indian and American Perspectives. 
London: Oxford University Press, 1989. 

Hoare, Mike. The Seychelles Affairs. New York: Bantam Press, 
1986. 

Hooker, Richard. 'Japan's Lost Opportunity in the War," Yale 

Review, 35, No. 1, September 1945, 30-39. 
The Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. New York: International 

Peace Academy, 1986. 
"Indian Ocean — Zone of Peace or Superpower Batdeground?" 

Commonwealth Journal [London], December-January 1979/ 

80, 2-9. 

Ion, A. Hamish, and E.J. Errington (eds.). Great Powers and Lit- 
tle Wars: The Limits of Power. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 
1993. 

Jawatkar, K.S. Diego Garcia in International Diplomacy. Bombay: 
Popular Prakashan, 1983. 

Julis, G., and A. Guillotin. "La presence militaire de la France 
en Afrique," Cahiers du Communisme [Paris] , 64, No. 10, Octo- 
ber 1988, 68-76. 

Kaushik, Devendra. The Indian Ocean: A Strategic Dimension. New 
Delhi: Vikas, 1983. 

Kaushik, Devendra. Indian Ocean: Towards a Zone of Peace. New 
Delhi: Vikas, 1972. 

Keegan,John (ed.). World Armies. (2d ed.) Detroit: Gale 
Research, 1983. 

Kent, Raymond K. (ed.). Madagascar in History: Essays from the 
1970s. Albany, California: Foundation for Malagasy Studies, 
1979. 



368 



Bibliography 



Khan, J. "Diego Garcia: The Militarization of an Indian Ocean 

Island." Pages 165-93 in Robin Cohen (ed.), African Islands 

and Enclaves. Beverly Hills, California: Sage, 1983. 
Knight, Edward Frederick. Madagascar in War Time. London: 

Longmans, Green, 1896. 
Kombo, Marcelino. "The Day Seychelles Routed Mercenaries," 

Africa [London], No. 125, January 1982, 36-38. 
Kruger, F.H. "The Siege of Antsirabe," Antananarivo Annual 

[Antananarivo], 5, 1896, 484-90. 
Kurian, George Thomas (ed.). World Encyclopedia of Police Forces 

and Penal Systems. New York: Facts on File, 1989. 
Larus, Joel. "Diego Garcia: The Military and Legal Implications 

of America's Pivotal Base in the Indian Ocean." Pages 435- 

51 in William L. Dowdy and Russell B. Todd (eds.), The 

Indian Ocean: Perspectives on a Strategic Area. Durham: Duke 

University Press, 1985. 
L'Estrac, J.C. de. "Diego Garcia: Mauritius Battles a Superpower 

to Reclaim a Cold War Hostage," Parliamentarian [London] , 

72, No. 4, October 1991, 267-70. 
Little, Douglas. "Cold War and Colonialism in Africa: The 

United States, France, and the Madagascar Revolt of 1947," 

Pacific Historical Review, 59, No. 4, 1990, 527-52. 
Lyautey, Marechal. Dans le sud de Madagascar: Penetration mili- 

taire, situation politique et economique (1900-1902). Paris: 

Charles-Lavauzelle, 1903. 
McAteer, William. Rivals in Eden: A History of the French Settlement 

and British Conquest of the Seychelles Islands: 1742-1818. Lewes: 

Book Guild, 1991. 
McNamera, Francis Terry. France in Black Africa. Washington: 

National Defense University, 1989. 
Mancham, James R. Paradise Raped: Life, Love, and Power in the 

Seychelles. London: Methuen, 1983. 
Markakis, John, and Michael Waller (eds.). Military Marxist 

Regimes in Africa. London: Frank Cass, 1986. 
Maude, Francis Cornwallis. Five Years in Madagascar, with Notes 

on the Military Situation. London: Chapman and Hall, 1895. 
The Military Balance, 1994-1995. London: International Insti- 
tute for Strategic Studies, 1994. 



369 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

Mockler, Anthony. The New Mercenaries: The History of the Hired 
Soldier from the Congo to the Seychelles. New York: Paragon 
House, 1987. 

Monro, A.G.F. "Madagascar Interlude," Army Quarterly [Lon- 
don], 53, No. 2, January 1947, 209-19. 

Ogunbadejo, Oye. "Diego Garcia and Africa's Security," Third 
World Quarterly [London], 4, No. 1, January 1982, 104-20. 

Oliver, Samuel Pasfield. Examples of Military Operations in Mada- 
gascar by Foreign Powers and Native Campaigns, 1642-1881. 
London: Harrison and Sons, 1885. 

Oliver, Samuel Pasfield. French Operations in Madagascar, 1883- 
1885. London: Harrison and Sons, 1886. 

Oliver, Samuel Pasfield. The True Story of the French Dispute in 
Madagascar. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1885. 

Paillard, Yvan-Georges, and Jean Boutonne. "Espoirs et 
deboires de l'immigration europeenne a Madagascar sous 
Gallieni: L'experience de colonisation militaire," Revue 
francaise d'histoire d'outre-mer [Paris], 65, No. 3, 1978, 333-51. 

Poulose, T.T. (ed.). Indian Ocean Power Rivalry. New Delhi: 
Young Asia, 1974. 

Raison-Jourde, Francoise. "Une rebellion en quete de statut: 
1947 a Madagascar," Revue de la bibliotheque nationale [Paris], 
No. 34, 1989, 24-32. 

Ranchot, A. Expedition de Madagascar en 1895. Paris: Societe 
d'editions geographiques, maritimes et coloniales, 1930. 

Remnick, Richard B. "The Soviet Naval Presence in the Indian 
Ocean and Western Security." Pages 83-105 in W.J. Wilson 
(ed.), U.S. Strategic Interests in the Gulf Region. Boulder, Colo- 
rado: Westview Press, 1987. 

Rennell of Rodd. British Military Administration in Africa During 
the Years 1941-1947. London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 
1948. 

Rennemo, O. "The Menalamba Uprising in the Norwegian 
Mission Districts." Pages 126-44 in F. Fuglestad and J. Sim- 
ensen (eds.), Norwegian Missions in African History, 2: Mada- 
gascar. Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1986. 

Rogers, Stanley. The Indian Ocean. London: Harrap, 1932. 

Rosenthal, Eric. Japan's Bid for Africa, Including the Story of the 
Madagascar Campaign. Johannesburg: Central News Agency, 
1944. 



370 



Bibliography 



Rowlands, David J. "The Dress of 1st Battalion, 5th (Northum- 
berland) (Fusiliers) Regiment of Foot in Mauritius 1856, 
and the Indian Mutiny 1 857-59," Journal of the Society for Army 
Historical Research [London], 64, No. 260, 1986, 212-17. 

Shepherd, George W., Jr. The Trampled Grass: Tributary States 
and Self Reliance in the Indian Ocean Zone of Peace. New York: 
Praeger, 1987. 

Sidhu, K.S. The Indian Ocean: A Zone of Peace. New Delhi: Har- 
man, 1983. 

SIPRI Yearbook of World Armaments and Disarmament. (Stockholm 
International Peace and Research Institute.) New York: 
Humanities Press, 1994. 

Stockman, Jim. "Madagascar 1942 — Part I: Prelude to Assault," 
British Army Review, 82, April 1986, 74-79. 

Stockman, Jim. "Madagascar 1942 — Part II: The Battle," British 
Army Review, 83, August 1986, 64-72. 

Strategic Survey 1993-94. London: International Institute for 
Strategic Studies, 1994. 

Tahtinen, Dale R. Arms in the Indian Ocean: Interests and Chal- 
lenges. Washington: American Enterprise Institute for Public 
Policy Research, 1977. 

Terrill, W. Andrew. "The Comoro Islands in South African 
Regional Strategy," Africa Today, 33, No. 2, 2d/3d quarters 
1986, 59-70. 

Thomson, Alvin. "The Role of Firearms and the Development 
of Military Techniques in Merina Warfare, c. 1785-1828," 
Revue francaise d'histoire d'outre-mer [Paris], 61, No. 224, 1974, 
417-35. 

Toussaint, Auguste. History of the Indian Ocean. Chicago: Univer- 
sity of Chicago Press, 1961. 

Tronchon, Jacques. L 'insurrection malagache de 1947. Paris: 
Karthala, 1986. 

Wall, Patrick. The Indian Ocean and the Threat to the West. Lon- 
don: Stacey International, 1975. 

Wilson, W.J. (ed.). U.S. Strategic Interests in the Gulf Region. Boul- 
der, Colorado: Westview Press, 1987. 

(Various issues of the following publications also were used 
in the preparation of this chapter: Africa Report, Africa Confiden- 
tial [London] ; African Defence Journal [Paris] ; Africa News; Africa 
Research Bulletin [Oxford, United Kingdom]; Asian Defence Jour- 



371 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



nal [Kuala Lumpur] ; Cahiers des etudes afncaines [Paris] ; Focus on 
Africa [London] ; Horn of Africa) Journal of Modem African Studies 
[Cambridge]; Keesing's Contemporary Archives [Harlow, United 
Kingdom] ; New African [London] ; New York Times', Round Table 
[London]; Strategic Analysis [New Delhi]; and United States 
Naval Institute Proceedings.) 



372 



Glossary 



CFA — Communaute Financiere d'Afrique (African Financial 

Community). The CFA covers those African countries 

whose currencies are linked with the French franc at a 

fixed rate of exchange. 
Comoran franc (CF) — One Comoran franc =100 centimes; in 

June 1995, US$1.00 = CF363.98. 
crown colony — A colony of the British Commonwealth over 

which the crown maintains some control, as through 

appointment of the governor 
European Community (EC) — See European Union. 
European Currency Unit (ECU) — Standard currency unit of 

the European Union (q.v.) \ in April 1995, ECU1 = 

US$0.75. 

European Union (EU) — Formerly the European Community-, 
it was established by the Maastricht Treaty of December 
1991 to expand European cooperation from economic 
and commercial into monetary, security, and judicial mat- 
ters. It officially came into being at the end of 1993. 

exclusive economic zone (EEZ) — A wide belt of sea and seabed 
adjacent to the national boundaries where the state claims 
preferential fishing rights and control over the exploita- 
tion of mineral and other natural resources. Madagascar 
claims a 150-nautical-mile exclusive economic zone. Mau- 
ritius, Comoros, Seychelles, and Maldives all claim 200 
nautical miles. Boundary situations with neighboring 
states sometimes prevent the extension of the exclusive 
economic zones to the full limits claimed. 

fiscal year (FY) — Same as the calendar year for all except Mau- 
ritius, in which it runs from July 1 to June 30. 

Franc Zone — A monetary union among countries whose cur- 
rencies are linked to the French franc. Members are 
France and its overseas appendages and fourteen African 
countries, including Comoros. 

gross domestic product (GDP) — A value measure of the flow of 
domestic goods and services produced by an economy 
over a period of time, such as a year. Only output values of 
goods for final consumption and intermediate production 
are assumed to be included in the final prices. GDP is 
sometimes aggregated and shown at market prices, mean- 



373 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

ing that indirect taxes and subsidies have been eliminated; 
the result is GDP at factor cost. The word "gross" indicates 
that deductions for depreciation of physical assets have 
not been made. See also gross national product. 

gross national product (GNP) — Gross domestic product (q.v.) 
plus the net income or loss stemming from transactions 
with foreign countries. GNP is the broadest measurement 
of the output of goods and services by an economy. It can 
be calculated at market prices, which include indirect 
taxes and subsidies. Because indirect taxes and subsidies 
are only transfer payments, GNP is often calculated at fac- 
tor cost, removing indirect taxes and subsidies. 

import substitution — The replacement of imports by domesti- 
cally produced goods, often supported by tariffs or import 
quotas, and motivated by foreign-exchange consider- 
ations. 

International Development Association (IDA) — EWorld 
Bank. 

International Finance Corporation (IFC) — EWorld Bank. 

International Monetary Fund (IMF) — Established along with 
the World Bank (q.v.) in 1945, the IMF is a specialized 
agency affiliated with the United Nations and is responsi- 
ble for stabilizing international exchange rates and pay- 
ments. The main business of the IMF is the provision of 
loans to its members (including industrialized and devel- 
oping countries) when they experience balance of pay- 
ments difficulties. These loans frequently carry conditions 
that require substantial internal economic adjustments by 
the recipients, most of which are developing countries. 

Lome Convention — The first Lome Convention (Lome I) 
came into force in 1976. Lome II came into effect in 1981, 
Lome III in 1985, and Lome IV in 1990. The convention 
covers economic relations between the members of the 
European Economic Community (EEC) and their former 
colonies in Africa, the Caribbean, and the Pacific (ACP) . 
The convention allows most ACP exports to enter the EEC 
duty-free or at special rates and, among other things, pro- 
vides funds through the Stabex system (q.v.) to offset 
adverse fluctuations in the prices of ACP exports. 

London Club — An informal group of commercial banks that 
come together to negotiate a debt rescheduling agree- 
ment with a country. The group has two committees, an 
economics committee that develops economic data projec- 



374 



Glossary 



tions and a negotiating committee. Committee members 
usually come from the five principal banks that hold the 
largest amounts of a country's debt. 
Malagasy franc (FMG) — 1 Malagasy franc (franc malgache — 
FMG) = 100 centimes; in May 1995, US$1.00 = 
FMG4,236.9. 

Mauritian rupee (MauR) — 1 Mauritian rupee = 100 cents; in 
August 1995, US$1.00 = MauR14.43. 

parastatal — A semi-autonomous, quasi-governmental, state- 
owned enterprise. 

Paris Club — The informal name for a consortium of Western 
creditor countries (Belgium, Britain, Canada, France, Ger- 
many, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, 
and the United States) that have made loans or guaran- 
teed export credits to developing nations and that meet in 
Paris to discuss borrowers' ability to repay debts. Paris Club 
deliberations often result in the tendering of emergency 
loans to countries in economic difficulty or in the resched- 
uling of debts. Formed in October 1962, the organization 
has no formal or institutional existence. Its secretariat is 
run by the French treasury. It has a close relationship with 
the International Monetary Fund (q.u), to which all of its 
members except Switzerland belong, as well as with the 
World Bank {q.u) and the United Nations Conference on 
Trade and Development (UNCTAD). The Paris Club is 
also known as the Group of Ten (G-10). 

rufiyaa (Rf) — Maldives currency; 1 rufiyaa =100 laari; in June 
1995, US$1.00 = Rfl 1.77. 

Seychelles rupee (SRe) — 1 Seychelles rupee = 100 cents; in 
August 1995, US$1.00 = SRe4.25. 

Shia (from Shiat Ali, the Party of Ali) — A member of the 
smaller of the two great divisions of Islam. The Shia sup- 
ported the claims of Ali and his line to presumptive right 
to the caliphate and leadership of the Muslim community, 
and on this issue they divided from the Sunni (q.u) in the 
major schism within Islam. Later schisms have produced 
further divisions among the Shia over the identity and 
number of imams. Most Shia revere Twelve Imams, the last 
of whom is believed to be hidden from view. 

South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) — 
Comprises the seven nations of South Asia: Bangladesh, 
Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka; 
founded as South Asian Regional Cooperation (SARC) 



375 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 

organization at a meeting of foreign ministers in New 
Delhi on August 1-2, 1983; a second organizational meet- 
ing of foreign ministers was held in Thimphu in May 1985; 
inaugural meeting of heads of state and government in 
Dhaka on December 7-8, 1985. The goal is to effect eco- 
nomic, technical, and cultural cooperation and to provide 
a forum for discussions of South Asian political problems. 

special drawing rights (SDRs) — Monetary units of the Interna- 
tional Monetary Fund (q.v.) based on a basket of interna- 
tional currencies including the United States dollar, the 
German deutsche mark, the Japanese yen, the British 
pound sterling, and the French franc. 

Stabex system — A system of export earnings stabilization set up 
by the European Community (EC — q.v.) in accordance 
with the African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) states. The 
system helps developing countries withstand fluctuations 
in the price of their agricultural products by paying com- 
pensation for lost export earnings. 

Sunni — The larger of the two great divisions of Islam. The 
Sunni, who rejected the claims of Ali's line, believe that 
they are the true followers of the sunna, the guide to 
proper behavior set forth by Muhammad's personal deeds 
and utterances. See also Shia. 

World Bank — Informal name used to designate a group of four 
affiliated international institutions: the International Bank 
for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), Interna- 
tional Development Association (IDA), International 
Finance Corporation (IFC), and Multilateral Investment 
Guarantee Agency (MIGA). The IBRD, established in 
1945, has the primary purpose of providing loans to devel- 
oping countries for productive projects. The IDA, a legally 
separate loan fund but administered by the staff of the 
IBRD, was set up in 1960 to furnish credits to the poorest 
developing countries on much easier terms than those of 
conventional IBRD loans. The IFC, founded in 1956, sup- 
plements the activities of the IBRD through loans and 
assistance specifically designed to encourage the growth of 
productive private enterprises in the less developed coun- 
tries. The MIGA, founded in 1988, insures private foreign 
investment in developing countries against various non- 
commercial risks. The president and certain senior offic- 
ers of the IBRD hold the same positions in the IFC. The 
four institutions are owned by the governments of the 



376 



Glossary 

countries that subscribe their capital. To participate in the 
World Bank group, member states must first belong to the 
International Monetary Fund (IMF — q.u). 



377 



Index 



Aafathis, 282 

Abdallah, Ahmed, 150, 151, 322; 
arrested, 152; assassination of, 146, 
162-63, 324, 326; economic activities 
of, 156, 160, 162; exiled, 152; import- 
export firm of, 156; as president, 154, 
156, 322, 323 
Abdallah government (Comoros), 154- 
64; manipulation in, 157-58; opposi- 
tion to, 156-57, 158-59, 160, 323-24; 
overthrown, 146, 152, 322, 323-24; 
women under, 177 
abortion: in Maldives, 265; in Mauritius, 

11 3; in Seychelles, 240 
ACDH. See Comoran Association for 

Human Rights 
acquired immune deficiency syndrome 
(AIDS): in Comoros, 180; in Madagas- 
car, 54; in Seychelles, 223-24 
Action Familiale (Mauritius), 113 
Action Liberale. See Liberal Action 
aeronaval forces of Madagascar, 299, 
300; bases of, 300; missions of, 300; 
number of personnel in, 300 
Aeroports de Madagascar, 73 
Afghanistan: Soviet invasion of, 293 
Africa: exports to, 72; influence of, on 

Comoros, 146 
African Development Bank, xix, xxiv; aid 
to Comoros from, 161, 178, 196; edu- 
cation aid from, 117, 223 
African Franc Zone (Communaute 

Financiere Africaine — CFA), 184-85 
African National Congress (ANC), 314 
Africans: in Comoros, xxii; in Maldives, 
xxvi, 265 

Agalega Islands (Mauritius), 108, 111 

Agence Comores Presse, 181 

agricultural: cooperatives, 56; policy, 58; 
production, 65-68 

agricultural products (see also under indi- 
vidual crops): cassava, 67; cinnamon, 
207, 209, 225, 231, 232, 237; cloves, 
xxii, 55, 58, 67-68, 145, 149, 161, 181, 
184, 185, 186, 187; coffee, 55, 58, 67; 



of Comoros, 145; copra, 161, 186, 207, 

209, 225, 231, 232, 237; cotton, 67; 
diversification of, 58; exports of, 65, 
123, 184; flowers, xxi, 123; food crops, 
185; of Madagascar, 55, 58, 62-64, 65- 
67; of Maldives, 273; of Mauritius, xxi, 
110; rice, 62-64, 65-67; of Seychelles, 
231, 232; sugarcane, xxi, 55, 97, 99, 
100, 110, 112, 121; tea, xxi, 110, 122- 
23, 231, 232; tobacco, 123; vanilla, 
xxii, 55, 58, 67, 68, 145, 149, 161, 181, 
184, 185, 186, 187, 209, 232; vegeta- 
bles, xxi; ylang-ylang, xxii, 145, 149, 
161, 181, 184, 185, 186 

agricultural research, 12 

agriculture, xviii; of Betsileo, 62-63; bud- 
get for, 61; cash crops, 55, 58; in 
Comoros, xxii, 185-87; employment 
in, 65, 212, 273; income from, xxii; in 
Madagascar, xviii, 21, 55, 58, 61, 62- 
65; on Mahore, 168; in Maldives, xxvi, 
273; in Mauritius, xxi, 121-21, 129; of 
Merina, 63-64; in Seychelles, 211, 212, 
231-32; slash-and-burn, 62, 63-64 

Ahmed, Mohamed: as president, 154, 
322 

AIDS, ^acquired immune deficiency 
syndrome 

Air Comores, xxiii, 188 

air force: of Madagascar, 300; of Sey- 
chelles, 316 

Air France, 73 

Air Madagascar, 73 

Air Maldives, 277 

Air Mauritius, 127 

air patrol (Mauritius), 311 

airports: in Comoros, 188-90; on Hulele, 
265; on Mahe, 210, 211; on Mahore, 
168; in Madagascar, 73; in Maldives, 
277; in Mauritius, 127; in Seychelles, 

210, 211, 216, 235, 235, 236 
Air Seychelles, 226, 236 
Aithnard, Ahlonkoba, 177 

AKFM. See Congress Party for the Inde- 
pendence of Madagascar 



379 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



al Adil, Muhammad, 258 
al Barakat, Abu, 258 
Aldabra Islands (Seychelles), 214 
Alliance government (Mauritius), 107, 
108 

AlWatwany, 181 

Ambohitra. See Montagne d'Ambre 
Amirantes Isles (Seychelles), 214; fishing 
off, 232 

Amnesty International, 160, 328 
Amoco Oil Company, 233-34 
ANC. See African National Congress 
Andriamahazo, Gilles, 295-96 
Andriamanalimbetany, 37 
Andriamanjato, Richard, 16, 60 
Andrianampoinimerina, 11; unification 

of Madagascar under, 1 1 
Anglican Church: mission schools of, 

221; in Seychelles, 220, 242 
Anjafy High Plateaux (Madagascar) , 24 
Anjouan. SeeNzwani 
Ankaratra Massif (Madagascar) , 24 
Antaifasy people (Madagascar) , 35 
Antaimoro people (Madagascar), 34- 
35; language of, 40; literature of, 34, 
40; as percentage of Madagascar pop- 
ulation, 34 
Antaisaka people (Madagascar), 35 
Antakarana people (Madagascar), 38 
Antalaotra people (Madagascar) , 34 
Antalote people (Madagascar), 173 
Antambahoaka people (Madagascar), 34 
Antananarivo (Madagascar): climate in, 
28; French occupation of, 13; invest- 
ment in, 61; location of, 24; protests 
in, 18, 21 

Antandroy people (Madagascar), 10, 38 
Antanosy people (Madagascar), 9, 35 
Antigang Brigade (Madagascar), 300, 
301, 304 

Antokon'ny Kongresy Fanafahana an'i 
Madagasikara. See Congress Party for 
the Independence of Madagascar 

Antsiranana (Madagascar): French con- 
trol of, 297, 303; harbor at, 27, 79; 
investment in, 61; port of, 24, 73 

Aqualma (Madagascar), 68 

Arab Bank for Economic Development 
in Africa: aid to Comoros from, 161, 
186, 196 

Arab Fund for Economic and Social 
Development, 196 



Arabic Islamic Education Center 

(Maldives), 270 
Arabic language, 114; broadcasts in, 181; 

classical, 173, 178 
Arab Intercontinental Bank: loans from, 

62 

Arabs: clans, 173; in Comoros, xxii, 173; 
influence of, on Comoros, 146; in 
Maldives, xxvi, 265; Shirazi, 147, 149, 
173 

Arab states: aid to Comoros from, 156, 
161, 323; aid to Maldives from, 279; 
relations of, with Comoros, 196 

Arab traders: in Comoros, 145, 147; in 
Madagascar, 9; in Maldives, 258-59; in 
Mauritius, 98; in Seychelles, 207 

archaeological research: in Maldives, 
257-58; on Nzwani, 146 

Arema. See Vanguard of the Malagasy 
Revolution 

armed forces of Comoros, 325-26; avia- 
tion unit, 325; Commando Moissy, 
153; French control of, 192; materiel 
of, 325; morale, 325-26; mutiny in, 
324; number of personnel in, 325; 
political role of, 325; under Soilih, 
153; training, 325 

armed forces of Madagascar (see also 
aeronaval forces; army), 296-300; 
budget for, 61, 298-99; civic-action 
projects of, 298, 306; conscription of, 
299; ethnic tensions in, 19; factions in, 
298; materiel of, 299-300; moderniza- 
tion of, 11; morale of, 301-2; number 
of personnel in, 299; officers in, 299; 
reorganization of, 298; role of, 299; 
training of, 301-6 

armed forces of Maldives, 329-30 

armed forces of Mauritius, 309-10 

armed forces of Seychelles, 314, 315, 
316-18; created, 315; materiel of, 316; 
mercenaries in, 318; morale of, 319; 
mutiny in, 315; training of, 246, 319 

army of Comoros: mutiny in, 324; Tanza- 
nian advisers in, 326 

army of Madagascar: materiel of, 299- 
300; number of personnel in, 299; 
role of, 299; rule by, 18-19 

army of Seychelles, 318-19; number of 
personnel in, 318 

Asia: trade with, 72, 135 

Asian Development Bank, 278, 282; aid 



380 



Index 



to Maldives from, 279 

Assembly of Mauritian Workers (Rassem- 
blement des Travaillistes Mauriciens — 
RTM), 107-8 

Association Comorienne des Droits 
Humains. See Comoran Association for 
Human Rights 

Association for the National Interest in 
Agricultural Products (Societe 
d'Interet National des Produits Agri- 
coles — SINPA) (Madagascar) , 66 

Atlantic Charter (1941), 14 

Atokin'ny Revolisiona Malagasy. Van- 
guard of the Malagasy Revolution 

Australasian people: in Maldives, xxvi, 
265 

Australia, 287; in Indian Ocean confer- 
ence, xxi; relations of, with Madagas- 
car, 85; relations of, with Seychelles, 
xxv; trade of, with Madagascar, 85 

Bahrain: trade of, with Seychelles, 237 
Baie d'Antongil (Madagascar) , 23 
Baker, Philip, 115 

balance of payments: in Comoros, 182; 
deficits, 58., 120; in Madagascar, 58, 
61-62; in Mauritius, 120, 125 

balance of power, xvii 

Bangladesh: relations of, with Seychelles, 
245, 246 

Bank for Industry and Commerce 
(Banque pour l'lndustrie et le Com- 
merce— BIC) (Comoros), 185 

banking: in Comoros, 185; in Madagas- 
car, 21, 60; in Maldives, 274-75; in 
Mauritius, 124; in Seychelles, 224 

Bank of Ceylon, 276 

Bank of Maldives, Limited, 276 

Bank of Mauritius, 124 

Banque Centrale des Comores. See Cen- 
tral Bank of Comoros 

Banque de Developpement des 
Comores. See Development Bank of 
Comoros 

Banque Nationale d'Algerie, 62 

Banque Nationale de Paris, 62 

Banque Nationale de Paris-Internation- 
ale. See National Bank of Paris-Interna- 
tional 

Banque pour l'lndustrie et le Com- 
merce. See Bank for Industry and 



Commerce 
Bantu people (Comoros), 146^47 
Bara people (Madagascar), 37-38; live- 
stock of, 64; as percentage of Madagas- 
car population, 37; social structure of, 
49 

Barclays Bank, 1 24 

Battle of the Java Sea (1942), 289 

Beau Bassin-Rose Hill (Mauritius), 112; 

government of, 130 
Belgium: trade with, 184 
Bell, H.C.P., 257-58 
Bemarivo River (Madagascar), 27 
Berenger, Paul, 106, 107, 132; assassina- 
tion attempt on, 106 
Berlouis, Ogilvy, 314 
Betanimena people (Madagascar), 33 
Betsiboka River (Madagascar), 27 
Betsileo people (Madagascar), 11, 32, 
37; agriculture of, 62-63; attitudes of, 
toward dead, 43; education of, 52; 
occupations of, 37; as percentage of 
Madagascar population, 37; religion 
of, 45; slave descendants among, 49 
Betsimisaraka kingdom (Madagascar), 
10 

Betsimisaraka people (Madagascar), 33, 
35, 148; etymology of, 34; origins of, 
34; as percentage of Madagascar pop- 
ulation, 33 

Bexanozano people (Madagascar) , 35 

Bhojpuri language: broadcasts in, 117; as 
language of instruction, 116-17; in 
Mauritius, 114, 115 

BIC. See Bank for Industry and Com- 
merce 

BICAfribank (Comoros), 185 
Biodiversity Conservation and Marine 

Pollution Abatement, 214 
BIOT. See British Indian Ocean Territory 
birth control. See family planning 
black market: in Madagascar, 142 
Black River District (Mauritius), 110 
Blood, Sir Hilary, 1 04 
Boina kingdom (Madagascar), 10 
Boky Mena (Red Book). See Charter of the 

Malagasy Socialist Revolution 
Boodhoo, Harish, 107 
Boulle, Philippe, 240 
Bourdonnais, Mahe de la, 99 
Bourgeaud, Gilbert. .See Denard, Bob 
Bowman, Larry W., 121 



381 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Brazzaville Conference (1944), 14 
Britain, 288; aid from, to Seychelles, 211, 
246; air base of, in Maldives, 257, 260, 
261, 277, 282, 329; and attempted 
coups in Seychelles, 314; education in, 
116, 222; exploration by, 9, 287, 288; 
investment by, 124; materiel from, 
297, 312; Mauritius awarded to, 100, 
148; military interests of, 287, 325; 
military intervention by, 11, 309-10; 
military presence of, 259-60, 290-93; 
military training provided by, 312; 
occupation of Maldives by, 259; occu- 
pation of Rodrigues by, 148; relations 
of, with Madagascar, 80, 83; relations 
of, with Maldives, xxvi, 257, 282; rela- 
tions of, with Mauritius, xxi, 132; rela- 
tions of, with Seychelles, xxiv, 213; 
Seychelles awarded to, 100, 148; tour- 
ists from, 235, 274; trade of, with 
Maldives, 279; trade of, with Mauri- 
tius, 125; trade of, with Seychelles, 237 
British American Tobacco, 123 
British Broadcasting Corporation, 283 
British East India Company, 208 
British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT), 

105, 210, 290 
British rule: of Madagascar, 289; of Mau- 
ritius, 97, 102-5; of Seychelles, 148, 
207, 208 

Brunei: aid from, to Maldives, 268 
Buddhism, 114, 258; in Seychelles, 220 
budget. See under government budget 

Cafre people (Comoros), 173 

Caisse Centrale de Cooperation 

Economique. See Central Bank for 

Economic Cooperation 
CAM. See Committee for Muslim Action 
Canal des Pangalanes (Lakandranon' 

Ampalangalana) (Madagascar), 23-24 
Cantonese language, 114 
Cap d'Ambre (Tanjon' i Bobaomby) 

(Madagascar) , 24 
Cargados Crajos Shoals (Mauritius), 108, 

111 

Carter, Jimmy, 293 

Cassim, Ali Bakar, 181 

Catholic Church, Roman: French lan- 
guage in, 218; mission schools of, 221; 
in Seychelles, 240, 242, 243 



Catholics, Roman: in Comoros, 173; con- 
flicts of, with Protestants, 15; in Mada- 
gascar, 45; in Mauritius, 114, 115; in 
Seychelles, 220 

CCCE. See Central Bank for Economic 
Cooperation 

censorship: in Madagascar, 19, 20, 295; 
in Maldives, 282, 283; in Seychelles, 
212 

Central Bank for Economic Cooperation 
(Caisse Centrale de Cooperation 
Economique — CCCE) (France), 185 

Central Bank of Comoros (Banque Cen- 
trale des Comores) , 1 85 

Central Bank of Seychelles, 230 

Central Bank of the Malagasy Republic, 
xix, 60 

central highlands of Madagascar, 23, 24, 
33; climate of, 28; conflict of, with 
cotters, 32, 75; elevation of, 24; peoples 
of, 36-38; schools in, 52 

Central Housing Authority (Mauritius), 
118 

Ceylon, 287 

Ceylon Civil Service, 257 
CFA See African Franc Zone 
Chagos Archipelago, 107, 108, 135 
Charter of the Malagasy Socialist Revolution 

(Red Book), 19-20 
Chase Manhattan Bank of Paris: loans 

from, 62 
Chebani, Haribou, 164 
Cheik, Said Mohamed, 150, 173; death 

of, 151 

Cheikh, Mustapha Said, 160, 192 
Chemin Grenier (Mauritius), 110 
children: child-care for, 120; diets of, 

179-80; immunization of, 179 
Chile, 311 
China, 287 

China, People's Republic of: assistance 
to Madagascar from, 82, 196; eco- 
nomic relations of, with Seychelles, 
247; materiel from, 304; military train- 
ing by, 306; relations of, with Como- 
ros, 156, 196; relations of, with 
Madagascar, 81; relations of, with 
Mauritius, 135; trade of, with Mauri- 
tius, 125 

China, Republic of (Taiwan): trade with, 
125 

Chinese people: languages of, 115; in 



382 



Index 



Madagascar, 39; in Mauritius, 101, 
104, 113, 114, 126, 129; occupations 
of, 115; as percentage of population in 
Mauritius, 101-2, 113; in Seychelles, 
208, 217 

Christians: in Madagascar, 45, 46 

chromium: in Madagascar, 70 

cinnamon, 207, 209, 232 

Civil Police (Madagascar). See police 
(Madagascar) 

civil rights: in Seychelles, 243-44 

civil servants: in Comoros, 149, 153, 182; 
in Madagascar, 1 8 

civil service: of Comoros, 161, 162, 179, 
195; of Maldives, 276; of Seychelles, 
229 

Civil Service (militia) (Madagascar), 
300, 301 

climate: of Comoros, 170-71; cyclones, 
28, 111, 170-71, 216; of Madagascar, 
28-29; of Maldives, 263-64; of Mauri- 
tius, 111; monsoons, 263, 264; rainfall, 
28, 111, 216, 263, 264; seasons, 28, 
111, 170, 263; of Seychelles, 216; tem- 
perature, 111, 170, 216, 263 

cloves, xxii, 55, 58, 67-68, 145, 149, 161, 
181, 184, 185, 186, 187 

coast guard (Mauritius), 311 

coast guard (Seychelles), 316-18; air 
wing, 316, 319; navy wing, 316-18 

coastline: of Madagascar, 23, 24 

Coetivy Island (Seychelles), 214 

Cold War, 287, 289-94 

Collectivites Territoriales Decentral- 
isees. See Decentralized Territorial 
Authorities 

Colombo Plan, 282 

Comite d'Action Musulmane. See Com- 
mittee for Muslim Action 

Comite des Forces Vives (Vital Forces 
Committee — Forces Vives) (Madagas- 
car), 22, 296; in elections of 1993, xix, 
22,76 

Comite National de Salut Public. See 
National Committee for Public Safety 

Commando Moissy (Comoros), 153, 
322, 326 

Committee for Muslim Action (Comite 
d Action Musulmane — CAM) (Mauri- 
tius): in elections of 1959, 104 
Common Agricultural Policy, 1 21 
Common Declaration (1973) (Como- 



ros), 151-52 
Commonwealth of Nations: Maldives in, 
xxvi, 282; Mauritius in, xxi; Seychelles 
in, 245 

Communaute Financiere Africaine. See 
African Franc Zone 

communications. See telecommunica- 
tions 

Community Development Support 
Fund, 170 

Comoran Association for Human Rights 

(Association Comorienne des Droits 

Humains— ACDH), 194 
Comoran Meat Company (Societe 

Comorienne des Viandes — Socovia), 

182 

Comoran Navigation Company (Societe 
Comorienne de Navigation), 190 

Comorans: in France, 172; in Madagas- 
car, 39, 46, 172; religion of, 46; in Tan- 
zania, 172 

Comoran Swahili, 171, 172; broadcasts 
in, 181 

Comoran Union for Progress (Union 
Comorienne pour le Progres — UCP), 
157, 193, 195 

Comoros: archaeological research in, 
146; etymology of, 145; in Indian 
Ocean Commission, 134; integration 
of Mahore into, 145; land area of, 169; 
location of, 145, 168; migration from, 
149 

Comoros Democratic Union (Union 
Democratique des Comores — UDC), 
150; platform of, 150 

Congress Party for the Independence of 
Madagascar (Antokon'ny Kongresy 
Fanafahana an'i Madagasikara — 
AKFM), 16; platform, 16; political 
base of, 1 7 

Conserveries de l'Ocean Indien, xxiv 

Constituent Assembly of the Fourth 
Republic (France): representatives 
from Madagascar to, 13-14 

constitutional convention (Comoros), 
193 

constitutional convention (Seychelles), 
239 

constitution of Comoros (1961), 150 
constitution of Comoros (1978), 154—56, 

190; amendments to, 158; women 

under, 176 



383 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



constitution of Comoros (1992), xxii, 

190- 92, 193; human rights under, 190; 
Islam under, 190; judiciary under, 

191- 92; legislature under, xxii, 191; 
president under, xxii, 190; prime min- 
ister under, xxii; women under, 1 76 

constitution of Madagascar (1992), xviii, 
74-77; approved, 22, 75; executive 
branch under, 75; individual rights 
under, 76; legislature under, 75-76; 
president under, 75; prime minister 
under, 75 
constitution of Maldives (1932), 259 
constitution of Maldives (1968), xxvi, 
279-80; amendments to, 260; rights 
under, 280 
constitution of Mauritius (1831), 102 
constitution of Mauritius (1958), 104 
constitution of Mauritius (1968), 129- 
31; legislature under, 129-30; presi- 
dent under, 130; rights under, 129 
constitution of Seychelles (1967), 210 
constitution of Seychelles (1970), 210 
constitution of Seychelles (1979), 212, 
321, 238; legislature under, 238; presi- 
dent under, 238 
constitution of Seychelles (1993), xxv, 

207, 238, 240 
construction: in Mahore, 168; in Mauri- 
tius, 112, 124, 129; in Seychelles, xxv, 
211,224 

consultative committee (Mauritius), 104 
copra, 161, 186, 207, 209, 217, 232, 237 
corruption: in Madagascar, 66 
cotiers, (Madagascar) 10; conflict of, with 
Merina, 15, 19, 32, 75; political affilia- 
tions of, 17; religion of, 45 
Council of Christian Churches (Mada- 
gascar) , 46 
Council of Government (Comoros), 191 
Council of Government (Mauritius), 102 
Council of Ministers (Mauritius), 104 
coups d'etat (Comoros): of 1975, 146, 
152, 154, 322; of 1978, 146, 322; of 
1989, 146, 164 
coups d'etat (Maldives): of 1975, 260 
coups d'etat (Seychelles): of 1977, 207, 

212-13, 237, 242 
coups d'etat, attempted (Comoros), 322, 
324; of 1981, 157; of 1983, 324; of 
1985, 160, 324; of 1987, 324; of 1989, 
324; of 1990, 324, 328; of 1992, xxiii, 



193-94, 324-25, 328 

coups d'etat, attempted (Madagascar): 
of 1974, 19, 295; of 1989, 296; of 1990, 
296; of 1992, 296 

coups d'etat, attempted (Maldives): of 
1980, 261, 328-29; of 1983, 261, 329; 
of 1988, 261, 261-62, 282, 329 

coups d'etat, attempted (Seychelles), 
212; mercenaries in, 212, 313-14; of 
1977, 314; of 1978, 314-15; of 1979, 
313; of 1981, 212, 313, 320; of 1986, 
314; of 1987, 314 

courts: of Comoros, 191-92, 327; of 
Madagascar, 76, 307; of Maldives, 280, 
330; of Mauritius, 130, 312; of Sey- 
chelles, 243, 321 

Creole language: as language of instruc- 
tion, 116-17, 221; literature, 218; in 
Mauritius, 97, 100, 114, 115; popular 
view of, 115; in Seychelles, xxiv, 217- 
18; structure of, 218 

Creole people: in Comoros, xxii, 173; in 
Mauritius, xx, 97, 101, 102, 103, 105, 
114, 309; occupations of, 115; political 
affiliations of, 105; religion of, 114, 
173; social status of, 102, 103; tensions 
of, with Indians, 97, 309 

crime: in Seychelles, 244 

Crusade for Democracy (Seychelles), 
242 

Cuba: assistance to Madagascar from, 82; 

military training by, 302, 304; relations 

of, with Seychelles, 245 
Cure, Maurice, 103 

Curepipe (Mauritius), 112; government 
of, 130 

currency: of Comoros, xxiii, 184-85; of 
Madagascar, xix, 58; of Maldives, 257, 
258, 274; of Mauritius, 102, 120, 124; 
of Seychelles, 225 

current account: deficit, 58, 61-62, 279; 
in Madagascar, 58, 61-62; in Maldives, 
278 

customs duties: in Madagascar, xix 

Cyclone Geralda, 29, 67 

Cyclone Hollanda, 111 

cyclones: in Comoros, 146, 170-71, 186, 
190; in Madagascar, 28, 29; in Mauri- 
tius, 111, 121, 123; in Seychelles, 216 



d'Albuquerque, Alfonso, 288 



384 



Index 



Debre, Michel, 165 

debt. See foreign debt 

Decentralized Territorial Authorities 

(Collectivites Territoriales Decentral- 

isees), 76, 78 
Defence Forces Council, 316 
defense spending: in Comoros, 325; in 

Madagascar, 61; in Seychelles, 228, 

319 

de Gaulle, Charles, 16 

de Hell, Admiral, 148 

de Klerk, Frederik Willem, 134, 294 

Democratic Assembly of the Comoran 

People (Rassemblement Democra- 

tique du Peuple Comorien — RDPC) , 

150; platform of, 150 
Democratic Front (Front Democra- 

tique— FD) (Comoros), 160 
Democratic Movement for the Malagasy 

Restoration (Mouvement Democra- 

tique de la Renovation Malgache— 

MDRM): outlawed, 15; platform of, 

14; political base of, 14 
Democratic Party (DP) (Seychelles), 

207, 210; platform of, 210, 211 
democracy movement, 9, 238-40, 304, 

308 

demonstrations. Apolitical demonstra- 
tions 

Denard, Bob, 154; and assassination of 
Abdallah, 164, 324; in coups, 154, 164, 
322, 323, 324; economic activities of, 
156, 160, 162; expelled, 164, 192, 324; 
in Presidential Guard, 159, 327; 
rewards for, 154; withdrawal of, 154 

Department of Information and Tele- 
communications (Seychelles), 243 

Department of Military Engineering for 
National Development (Madagascar) , 
306 

Development Bank of Comoros (Banque 
de Developpement des Comores), 185 
Development Bank of Mauritius, 124 
Development Bank of Seychelles, 226 
Development Company for Small-Scale 
Fisheries of Comoros (Societe de 
Developpement de la Peche Artisan- 
ale des Comores), 187 
Development Works Corporation 

(DWC) (Mauritius), 106 
Dhivehi language, 266; broadcasts in, 
283; as language of instruction, 269, 



270; newspapers in, 282 
Didi, AbdullaAfif, 260 
Didi, Muhammad Amin: death of, 259; 

overthrown, 259; as president, 259; as 

prime minister, 259; reforms under, 

259 

Didi, Muhammad Farid, 260 

Diego Garcia, 108, 290; United States 

military base on, xxi, 107, 80, 245, 

290, 293-94 
Diego Suarez. S<?eAntsiranana 
diet: in Comoros, 146, 179-80; in 

Maldives, 271; in Mauritius, 118; in 

Seychelles, 223, 232 
Direction Generale de l'lnformation et 

de la Documentation, Interieure et 

Exterieure. See General Directorate of 

Information and Documentation, 

Internal and External 
discrimination: in Seychelles, xxv 
district councils (Mauritius), 103 
divorce: in Comoros, 176; in Maldives, 

267; in Seychelles, 219 
Djohar, Said Mohamed, xxii-xxiii, 164, 

166,324 

Djohar government (Comoros), xxiii, 
324; women under, 177 

Djoussouf, Abbas, 195 

Doctor, Manilal Maganlall, 103 

DP. See Democratic Party 

Dravidian people (Maldives), xxvi, 265 

drought: in Madagascar, 67; in Mauri- 
tius, 121 

drug abuse: in Mauritius, 118; in Sey- 
chelles, 223 

drug trafficking, 287; in Comoros, 180; 
in Mauritius, 108, 134, 310, 312 

Duval, Gaetan: in elections of 1963, 104 

DWC. See Development Works Corpora- 
tion 

Dzaoudzi (Comoros), 169; population 
of, 172 



East Coast Development Plan (Sey- 
chelles), 229 

east coast of Madagascar, 23-24, 33; cli- 
mate of, 28; elevation of, 23; peoples 
of, 33-35; topography of, 23 

East Germany. See German Democratic 
Republic 

EC. See European Community 



385 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Ecole le Myre de Villers, 50 

economic development: in Comoros, 
xxii, xxiii, 156; in Madagascar, 20; in 
Maldives, 272-73; in Mauritius, xxi, 
106; in Seychelles, 229 

economic growth: in Comoros, 182; in 
Madagascar, xix; in Mauritius, xx, 120; 
in Seychelles, 224 

economic planning {see also under indi- 
vidual plans): in Madagascar, 20; in 
Maldives, 273; in Mauritius, 106 

economic policv: of Madagascar, 55-58; 
of Seychelles, 226-28 

economic reform: in Comoros, xxiii; in 
Madagascar, 21 , 59 

economy (Comoros), 181-88; South 
Africa in, 159, 188; structural adjust- 
ment, 182, 193 

economy (Madagascar), xviii, 55-72; 
French domination of, 55-56; govern- 
ment control of, 20; government 
intervention in, 55-58; under Ratsir- 
aka, 20, 56, 60; structural adjustment, 
56, 58—60, 66; under Tsiranana, 18, 18; 
under Zafy, 57 

economy (Maldives), 261, 272-77 

economy (Mauritius), xx, 120-26; diver- 
sification of, 120; structural adjust- 
ment, 128 

economy (Seychelles), 224—35; diversifi- 
cation of, 224; government role in, 
225-28 

education {see also schools) (Comoros), 
178-79; abroad, 178; higher, 178; 
loans for, 178, 184; quality of, 178 

education {see also schools) (Madagas- 
car), 50-53; access to, 51, 52; budget 
for, 51, 61; French, 50; for girls, 52; 
investment in, 59; language of, 52-53; 
spread of, 1 2 

education {see also schools) (Maldives), 
269-71; abroad, 269; aid for, 270-71; 
budget for, 269; language of, 269; 
reforms in, 259 

education {see also schools) (Mauritius), 
106, 115-17; budget for, 116, 128; for- 
eign, 116; importance of, 117 

education {see also schools) (Seychelles), 
221-23; abroad, 79, 81; access to, 212; 
aid for, 222; budgets for, 228; of girls, 
219; government spending on, xxv; 
languages of, 221, 79; workers in, xxv 



Education Master Plan, 117 
EEZ. ^exclusive economic zone 
Egypt, 287, 293 

elections in Comoros, 190, 325; abuse of, 
162; for National Assembly, 157; of 
1957, 150; of 1958, 150; of 1978, 323; 
of 1982, 157; of 1983, 157, 159; of 
1987, 157, 159; of 1989, 162; of 1990, 
192-93; of 1992, 193, 194; of 1993, 194 

elections in Madagascar, 21, 75; for 
fokonolona, 20; of 1975, 19, 21; of 1977, 
20; of 1982, 21; of 1989, 21; of 1992, 
22, 296; of 1993, xviii, 77, 296; for 
National Assembly, xix, 22, 76; for 
National Representative Assembly, 14; 
Ratsiraka in, 21; voter turnout in, 22 

elections in Maldives, 280; of 1983, 261; 
of 1988, 261; of 1993, 261 

elections in Mauritius, 105; of 1911, 103; 
of 1948, 104; of 1959, 104; of 1963, 
104; of 1967, 105; of 1976, 107; of 

1983, 107; of 1987, 108; of 1991, 108, 
131; of 1995, xxi; observers in, 105 

elections in Seychelles: irregularities in, 
xxv; in 1974, 211; in 1979, 212, 237; in 

1984, 237; in 1989, 237; in 1993, xxv, 
207, 237, 240 

Electoral College (Comoros), xxii 

electric power: hydro, 71, 127; in Mada- 
gascar, 71; in Mauritius, 127 

elite class: in Comoros, 148, 149, 173-74; 
education of, 53; in Madagascar, 15, 
36; in Maldives, 266-67; markers of, 
174; in Mauritius, 102; Merina as, 15 

Elizabeth II. 132 

employment: in agriculture, 65, 212, 
273; in civil service, 277; in construc- 
tion, 124; in fishing, 212, 225, 277; in 
industry, 277; in Maldives, 273, 276- 
77; in manufacturing, 234; in Mauri- 
tius, 120, 124, 125, 126; in mining, 
277; in service sector, 211; in Sey- 
chelles, 212, 224, 229-31; in telecom- 
munications, 277; in tourism, 125, 
224, 234, 277; in trade, 276; in trans- 
portation, 276 

English language: broadcasts in, 117, 
283; as language of instruction, 115, 
116-17, 221, 270; in Mauritius, xx, 
100, 115; newspapers in, 282; popular 
view of, 115; in Seychelles, xxiv, 217, 
218 



386 



Index 



Enterprise Oil Company (British), 234 
Environmental Protection Act (1991) 

(Mauritius), 112 
EPZs. See export processing zones 
Etablissements Abdallah et Fils (Como- 
ros), 160, 162, 181, 187 
Etablissements Grimaldi (French), 181 
ethnic diversity, xviii 

ethnic groups {see also under individual 
groups): in Comoros, xxii; in Madagas- 
car, xviii, 30-39; in Maldives, 265-66; 
marriage between, 208-9; in Mauri- 
tius, xx, 97, 105, 113-15; occupations 
of, 115; in Seychelles, 208, 217; ten- 
sions among, 14, 19, 31-32, 97, 105; 
violence among, 105 

ethnic minorities: in Madagascar, 38-39 

European Common Market, 84 

European Community (EC): aid to 
Comoros from, 156, 161, 323; in Sey- 
chelles EEZ, 233 

European Development Bank: Mauri- 
tius in, 135 

European Development Fund: aid to 
Comoros from, 162, 184, 186 

European Investment Bank 

Europeans: in Comoros, 172; in Mauri- 
tius, xx, 114, 309; in Seychelles, 217; 
trade with, 10, 147 

Evangelical Protestant churches: in Sey- 
chelles, 220 

exchange rate: in Comoros, 185; in 
Maldives, 274; in Mauritius, 124; in 
Seychelles, 225 

exclusive economic zone (EEZ), 287; of 
Mauritius, 108, 134, 312; of Seychelles, 
213, 224, 233,246 

Executive Committee (Mauritius), 104 

export processing zones (EPZs), xviii; in 
Madagascar, xviii, 59, 69-70; in Mauri- 
tius, xxi, 106, 118, 120, 123-24, 125, 
126, 129; in Seychelles, xxv 

exports {see also under individual prod- 
ucts): from Comoros, xxiii, 147-48, 
161, 184; earnings from, 161; from 
Madagascar, 65, 68, 71, 72; from 
Maldives, 259; from Mauritius, xxi, 
122, 123, 125; from Seychelles, 207, 
208, 237 



families: in Maldives, 267 



family planning: in Comoros, 172, 177; 
in Madagascar, 59; in Maldives, 264, 
265; in Mauritius, 106, 112-13; in Sey- 
chelles, 217 

FAO. See United Nations Food and Agri- 
culture Organization 

farms: size of, in Madagascar, 65 

Faradofay. SgeTolanaro 

Fayences Mountain (Mauritius), 110 

FD. S«e Democratic Front 

Federal Assembly (Comoros): under 
constitution of 1992, xxii, 191 

Federal Republic of Germany. See Ger- 
many, Federal Republic of 

Fenerive (Madagascar) , 34 

Fianarantsoa (Madagascar): investment 
in, 61 

finance: in Seychelles, xxv 

First Republic (Madagascar) (1960-72), 
16-18; language policy of, 41 

First Republic (Maldives) (1953-54) , 259 

fishing: in Comoros, 153, 187; employ- 
ment in, 212, 233; exports, 68, 207, 
259, 237; in Madagascar, xviii, 64-65; 
in Maldives, xxvi, 267, 273-74, 278; in 
Mauritius, 123; in Seychelles, 207, 211, 
212, 214, 224-25, 226, 232-33 

Fishing Development Company (Sey- 
chelles), 226 

Flacq District (Mauritius), 110 

flora and fauna: in Comoros, 170, 214; 
conservation of, 214-16; in Madagas- 
car, 29-30, 71; in Mahore, 170; in 
Maldives, 263; unique species of, 29, 
30, 214 

FNDR. See National Front for the 

Defense of the Revolution 
FNUK-Unikom. See United National 

Front of Comorans-Union of Como- 

rans 

fokonolona (village council) (Madagas- 
car), 10-11, 20, 77-79; role of, 78-79 

Fomboni (Comoros), 169; harbor at, 190 

food: import of, xxii, 66, 145, 162, 181, 
184, 185-87, 209, 231, 279; produc- 
tion, 100, 145, 149, 185, 224, 231; self- 
sufficiency in, 58; shortages, 14, 21, 
146, 153, 259; subsidies for, 120, 123 

Forces Armee Populaires. See armed 
forces of Madagascar 

Force de Police Nationale. ^National 
Police Force 



387 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Force Republicaine de Securite. See 
Republican Security Force 

Forces Armees Populaires. See People's 
Armed Forces 

Forces Vives. See Comite des Forces Vives 

foreign assistance (Comoros): from Afri- 
can Development Bank, 161, 178; 
from Arab Bank for Economic Devel- 
opment in Africa, 161, 186; from Arab 
states, 156, 161, 323; dependence on, 
145-46, 182; for education, 178; from 
European Community, 156, 161, 323; 
from European Development Fund, 
162, 184, 186; for family planning, 
177; from France, 145, 161, 180, 182, 
184, 186; for health, 180; from Inter- 
national Fund for Agricultural Devel- 
opment, 162, 186; from Iraq, 323; 
from Kuwait, 323; from Organization 
of the Petroleum Exporting Coun- 
tries, 178; from Saudi Arabia, 323; 
from South Africa, 161; from United 
Nations Development Programme, 
184, 186; from United States, 184, 186; 
from World Bank, 161; from World 
Food Program, 186 

foreign assistance (Madagascar), 84; 
from China, 82; from Cuba, 82; from 
European Common Market, 84; from 
France, xx, 83, 84; from Germany, 84; 
from International Monetary Fund, 
84; from Japan, 84; reforms 
demanded for, 21; from the United 
States, 84 

foreign assistance (Mahore): from 
France, 145 

foreign assistance (Maldives), 279; from 
Arab states, 279; from Asian Develop- 
ment Bank, 279; from Brunei, 268; 
from India, 279; from Japan, 270-71, 
279; from Kuwait, 279; from Malaysia, 
268; from Pakistan, 268, 279; from 
Persian Gulf states, 268; from Saudi 
Arabia, 279; from United Arab Emir- 
ates, 279; from United Nations, 279; 
from United States, 279; from World 
Bank, 279 

foreign assistance (Mauritius): from 
France, 132-33 

foreign assistance (Seychelles): from 
Britain, 211, 246; for education, 222- 
23; from France, 246; from Soviet 



Union, 246; from Tanzania, 212; from 
United States, 246; from World Bank, 
229 

foreign debt: of Comoros, xxiii, 146, 182; 
of Madagascar, 56, 61-62 

foreign exchange: earnings, 234; prob- 
lems, 236 

foreign investment: in Mauritius, xxii, 

124; in Seychelles, 211 
foreign policy: of Madagascar, 20, 85-86 
foreign relations (Comoros), 195-96; 

with Arab states, 196; with China, 156, 

196; with France, xxiii, 195, 322, 323; 

with Israel, xxiii; with Japan, 196; with 

Kuwait, 196; with Libya, 156; with 

Madagascar, 154; with Nigeria, 156; 

with Persian Gulf states, 156; with 

Saudi Arabia, 196; with South Africa, 

195-96; with Tanzania, 156 
foreign relations (Madagascar), 79-86; 

with Australia, xx; with Comoros, 154; 

with France, 12, 79; with India, xx; 

with South Africa, xx, 294; with 

United States, 80, 83, 306 
foreign relations (Maldives), 282; with 

Britain, xxvi, 282 
foreign relations (Mauritius), 132-35; 

with Britain, xxi, 132; with France, xxi, 

132-33; with India, 132, 134; with 

South Africa, 132, 134; with United 

States, xxi, 134 
foreign relations (Seychelles), 245-47 
forests: exploitation of, 29, 111-12, 187, 

208; fuelwood from, 30, 170; rain, 29- 

30, 169 

Forum for National Recovery (Forum 
pour le Redressement National — 
FRN) (Comoros), 194 

Forum pour le Redressement National. 
See Forum for National Recovery 

France, Anatole, 13 

France, 288-89; aid to Comoros from, 
145, 160, 161, 180, 182,187; aid to 
Madagascar from, xx, 62, 83, 84; aid to 
Mahore from, 145; aid to Mauritius 
from, 132-33; aid to Seychelles from, 
246; and attempted coups in Sey- 
chelles, 314; Comorans in, 172; 
dependence of Comoros on, xxiii; 
education in, 116, 222; exploration by, 
9, 287, 288; influences of, 79; invest- 
ment by, 124; materiel from, 298, 312; 



388 



Index 



military assistance from, 302, 321, 326; 
military exercises of, 302; military 
interests of, 287, 294, 325; military 
intervention by, in Comoros, 195, 324, 
325, 326, 327; military relations of, 
with Comoros, 195, 325-27; military 
relations of, with Madagascar, 79, 303; 
military relations of, with Mauritius, 
133; military training by, 298, 301, 
303, 304, 312, 325, 326; occupation of 
Diego Suarez by, 297; occupation of 
Madagascar by, 297; occupation of 
Mahore by, 149; relations of, with 
Comoros, xxiii, 152, 154, 156, 195, 
322, 323; relations of, with Madagas- 
car, 12, 16-17, 79, 83, 303-4; relations 
of, with Mahore, 145; relations of, with 
Mauritius, xxi, 132-33; relations of, 
with Seychelles, xxiv, 213; study in, 79; 
tourists from, 125, 235; trade of, with 
Comoros, 160, 184; trade of, with 
Madagascar, xx, 71, 72; trade of, with 
Mauritius, 125; trade of, with Sey- 
chelles, 237 
Franco-Mauritians, 102; social status of, 
102 

Franc Zone, 79 

French: investment by, 70; in Comoros, 
181; in Madagascar, 39, 55-56; in Mau- 
ritius, 114, 115; occupations of, 115; in 
Seychelles, xxiv 
French Aid and Cooperation Fund, 184 
French East India Company, 99 
French Foreign Legion: in Mahore, 165 
French language: broadcasts in, 73, 115, 
117, 118, 181, 218; in Comoros, 173, 
181; as language of instruction, 79, 
117, 222; in Madagascar, 41, 52, 79; in 
Mauritius, 97, 100, 115, 132; popular 
view of, 115; publications in, 79, 117; 
in Seychelles, 217, 218 
French League for Madagascar, 13 
French Military Academy at St. Cyr, 302 
French rule (Comoros), 145, 147, 148- 
52 

French rule (Madagascar), 12-16, 149; 
declared, 12, 13, 297; education 
under, 50; Merina under, 36; opposi- 
tion to, 13, 15 

French rule (Mauritius), 97, 148; origins 
of, 99 

French rule (Seychelles), 148, 207, 208; 



declared, 208 
French settlements: in Madagascar, 9, 
148 

French Union: Madagascar as overseas 

territory of, 1 4 
FRN. See Forum for National Recovery 
Front National pour la Defense de la 

Revolution. See National Front for the 

Defense of the Revolution 
Front Democratique. See Democratic 

Front 

Front National Uni des Komoriens- 
Union des Komoriens. See United 
National Front of Comorans-Union of 
Comorans 
FRS. See Republican Security Force 
Fua Mulaku Island (Maldives), 263 
fuel: bagasse, 71, 127; wood, 30, 170 



Galawa Beach (Comoros), 188 

Gallieni, Joseph, 297 

Gan Island (Maldives): airport on, 277; 

British air base on, 257, 260, 261 , 277, 

282, 329 
Gandhi, Mohandas K., 103 
Gandhi, Rajiv, 261 

Garde Presidentielle. ^Presidential 
Guard 

GATT. See General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade 

Gayoom, Maumoon Abdul, xxvi; cabinet 
of, 281; in elections of 1983, 261; in 
elections of 1988, 261; in elections of 
1993, 261; as president, xxvi, 261, 328- 
29, 281; reform under, 281 

GDR See gross domestic product 

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 
(GATT), 121 

General Directorate of Information and 
Documentation, Internal and Exter- 
nal (Direction Generate de l'lnforma- 
tion et de la Documentation, 
Interieure et Exterieure) (Madagas- 
car), 301 

geostrategic situation, 288-90; of Como- 
ros, 146; of Madagascar, 9; of Maldives, 
257, 258, 330 

German Democratic Republic (East Ger- 
many): military training by, 301, 302; 
relations of, with Seychelles, 245 

Germany: aid from, 62, 84; colonies of, 



389 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



289; investment by, 1 24; military assis- 
tance from, 304; relations of, with 
Madagascar, 80; tourists from, 235, 
274; trade with, 71, 72, 125, 184 
Germany, Federal Republic of (West 
Germany): military assistance from, 
303 

Giraavaru people (Maldives), 265 
Global Environment Trust Fund of the 

World Bank, 214 
GMP. See Mobile Police Group 
GNP. See gross national product 
gold: in Madagascar, 70 
Gooyer, Cornelius Simonsz, 98 
Governing Council (Comoros), 150 
government (Comoros): structure of, 

190-92 

government (Madagascar): participation 

in, xviii; structure of, 74-77 
government (Maldives): factions in, 

280-81; structure of, 279-80 
government (Mauritius): control of 

media, xxii; structure of, 129-31; and 

women's rights, 119-20 
government (Seychelles): role of, in 

economy, 225-28; structure of, 238-40 
government, local (Madagascar), 77-78 
government, local (Mauritius), 130-31; 

under British rule, 102-3 
government budget (Comoros): deficit, 

184; freeze on, xxiii 
government budget (Madagascar): for 

agriculture, 61; austerity, xix; for 

defense, 61 , 298-99; deficit, 58, 59; for 

education, 51, 61; for health care, 54, 

61 

government budget (Maldives): deficit, 
276; for education, 269; revenues, 276 

government budget (Mauritius), 127-29; 
for debt service, 128; deficits, 128; for 
education, 116, 128; goals in, 129; for 
health, 128; revenues, 128; for social 
security, 128 

government budget (Seychelles), 228- 
29; austerity, 229; for defense, 228; 
deficit, 228, 229; for education, xxv; 
for 1995, xxv; revenues, 228 

governor general (Mauritius), 130 

GP. ^Presidential Guard 

Grand Comore. SeeNjazidja 

Grand Friday Mosque (Maldives) , 268 

Grand Police Military Training Center 



(Seychelles), 319 

Grand Port District (Mauritius), 110 

Grand Port Range (Mauritius) ,110 

Green Party. See Parti Vert 

gross domestic product (GDP): of 
Comoros, 182; of Madagascar, 60; of 
Maldives, 272-73; of Mauritius, 121; of 
Seychelles, xxiv, 224 

gross domestic product fractions (Mada- 
gascar): agriculture, 65; budget defi- 
cit, xix, 59; foreign debt, 62; industry, 
69 

gross domestic product fractions 
(Maldives): agriculture, xxvi, 273; fish- 
ing, xxvi, 273; tourism, xxvi, 273, 274 

gross domestic product fractions (Mauri- 
tius): budget deficit, 128; construc- 
tion, 124 

gross domestic product fractions (Sey- 
chelles): budget deficit, 229; fishing, 
224-25; service sector, 211; tourism, 

234 

gross national product (GNP): in Como- 
ros, 181-82; in Madagascar, 60; in 
Maldives, 272; in Mauritius, 128 

Groupe Mobile de Police. See Mobile 
Police Group 

guestworkers: in Maldives, xxvi; in Mau- 
ritius, 126; in Seychelles, 217 

Gujarati language (Mauritius), 114 

Habib Bank of Pakistan, 276 
Hachim, Said, 159 
Hahaya airport (Comoros), 190 
Hanimadu Island (Maldives): airport on, 
277 

harbors (see also ports): in Madagascar, 
24,27; in Mauritius, 110 

Haveeru (Maldives) , 282 

health: and causes of death, 53, 118; in 
Comoros, 146, 149, 179-80, 184; and 
disease, 53-54, 55, 112, 118, 179, 223, 
271; and immunization, 179; in Mada- 
gascar, 53-55; in Maldives, 271-72; in 
Mauritius, 102, 106, 112, 118, 128; in 
Seychelles, 207, 223-24 

healdi care: aid for, 180, 184; budget for, 
54, 61, 128, 228; in Comoros, 180; in 
Madagascar, 54; in Maldives, 271-72; 
in Mauritius, 128; in Seychelles, 212; 
traditional, 54-55 



390 



Index 



health care professionals: in Comoros, 
180; in Madagascar, 54; in Maldives, 
271-72; in Mauritius, 118; in Sey- 
chelles, xxv; traditional, 272 

health facilities: in Madagascar, 54, 59; in 
Maldives, 272; in Mauritius, 118; in 
Seychelles, 223 

Henri, Marcel, 165 

Heyerdahl.Thor, 258 

High State Authority (Madagascar), 22 

Hindi language: broadcasts in, 117, 283; 
in Mauritius, 114, 115 

Hindus: ancestors of, 113-14; caste sys- 
tem of, 114; in Mauritius, xx, 103, 104, 
113-14, 115, 129; occupations of, 115; 
as percentage of population in Mauri- 
tius, 113, 115; in Seychelles, 220 

Hindustani (Mauritius), 103 

Hoarau, Gerard, 242 

Hoare, Michael, 212, 313-14 

Hong Kong: investment by, 124; trade of, 
with Mauritius, 125, 135 

housing: construction, 44; low-income, 
118, 128; in Madagascar, 44; in Mauri- 
tius, 118, 128; in Seychelles, 212, 224, 
229 

Hulele Island (Maldives): airport on, 
265, 277 

Human Development Report (UNDP) , 60- 
61 

human rights, xviii; abuses, 160, 162, 
301, 307; in Comoros, xxiii, 160, 162, 
190, 327-28; in Madagascar, xx, 301, 
307-8; in Maldives, xxvi, 330; in Mau- 
ritius, 313; in Seychelles, xxv, 321-22, 
244 

Hummingbird Helicopters (Maldives), 

277-78 
Husain ibn Ali, 146 



Ibn Battutah, 259 

Ibrahim, Ilyas, 281 

Ibraham, Said, Prince, 150, 173 

IDA. See International Development 

Association 
IFB. See Independent Forward Block 
Ikopa River (Madagascar), 27 
lie aux Vaches (Seychelles), 214 
lie Denis (Seychelles) , 214 
lie Pamanzi, 169-70 

IMET. See International Military Educa- 



tion and Training 

IMF. See International Monetary Fund 

imports: by Comoros, 147, 162, 181, 184, 
185-86; of food, xxii, 66, 145, 162, 
181, 185-87, 209, 231, 279; by Mada- 
gascar, 66, 71-72; by Mauritius, 125; by 
Mahore; by Seychelles, 231, 237 

income: per capita, in Madagascar, 56; 
per capita, in Maldives, xxvi, 272; per 
capita, in Seychelles, 207 

income distribution: in Madagascar, 56 

indentured workers: in Mauritius, 97, 
100-101, 113 

independence: of Comoros, 145, 151, 
152, 322; of Madagascar, 9, 16-18; of 
Maldives, 257, 260; of Mauritius, 105, 
131; opposition to, 105, 164; of Sey- 
chelles, xxv, 207, 21 1 

independence movements: in Africa, 
151; in Comoros, 151, 152; in Sey- 
chelles, 211 

Independent Forward Block (IFB) 
(Mauritius): in elections of 1959, 104 

Independents (Mauritius): in elections 
of 1959, 104 

India, 283, 287; aid to Maldives from, 
279; education in, 116; guestworkers 
from, xxvi; indentured workers from, 
97, 100-101; in Indian Ocean confer- 
ence, xxi; materiel from, 312; military 
assistance from, 321; military interven- 
tion by, in Maldives, 261-62, 329, 282, 
329; military training by, 312; relations 
of, with Madagascar, 80, 85; relations 
of, with Maldives, 257; relations of, 
with Mauritius, 132, 133-34; relations 
of, with Seychelles, xxiv, 245-46; trade 
of, with Comoros, xxii; trade of, with 
Madagascar, 85; trade of, with 
Maldives, 279; trade of, with Mauri- 
tius, 125, 133-34 

Indian Cultural Association (Mauritius) , 
103 

Indian Ocean: area of, xvii; balance of 
power in, xvii; strategic interests in, 
326, 330; trade through, xvii, 102 

Indian Ocean Commission, xxiii, 134, 
196 

Indian Ocean conference (1995), xxi 
Indian Ocean Newsletter, 195, 327 
Indian Ocean Rim Association, xxi, xxvii 
Indian Ocean Zone of Peace Resolution 



391 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



(1971): support for, xxi, 133, 245, 282 
Indians: in Comoros, 172; in Maldives, 
265-66; in Mauritius, 97, 99, 100-101, 
102, 309; social status of, 102; tensions 
of, with Creoles, 97, 309; in Seychelles, 
208,217 

Indira Gandhi Memorial Hospital 
(Maldives), 272 

Indonesia, 287; relations of, with Mada- 
gascar, 80 

Indo-Pakistanis: in Madagascar, 39, 46; 
religion of, 46 

industrial development: in Madagascar, 
58, 68-71 ; output, 69 

Industrial Relations Act of 1973 (Mauri- 
tius), 126 

industry: in Comoros, 187-88; cottage, 
277; employment in, 276; in Madagas- 
car, 68-71; in Maldives, 276; in Mauri- 
tius, 123-24: in Seychelles, 233-34 

inflation: in Comoros, 182; in Madagas- 
car, xix, 59; in Mauritius, xx, 120, 121; 
in Seychelles, 225 

Information against X for Plotting and 
Attacking State Security (Madagas- 
car), 307-8 

infrastructure; in Comoros, 161-62, 188; 
in Madagascar, xix, 59; in Maldives, 
274; in Mauritius, 133; in Seychelles, 
216 

Institute for Advanced Studies (Mada- 
gascar), 51 

Institute for Health Sciences (Maldives), 
272 

International Development Association 

(IDA), 29, 170, 172; Special Program 

of Assistance, 182 
International Finance Investment and 

Credit Bank of Bangladesh, 276 
International Fund for Agricultural 

Development: aid to Comoros from, 

162, 186 

internal security. See security, internal 

Intelsat. See International Telecommuni- 
cations Satellite Organization 

International Capital and Securities 
Exchange, 70 

International Development Association 
(IDA): loans from, 273 

International Finance Corporation, xix, 
70 

International Military Education and 



Training (IMET): in Comoros, 327; in 
Madagascar, 302; in Mauritius, 312; in 
Seychelles, 321 

International Monetary Fund (IMF): 
and Comoros, 182, 196; economic 
reforms under, xxiii; and Madagascar, 
21, 56, 58, 60, 84; and Maldives, 261; 
and Mauritius, 107, 128, 135; and Sey- 
chelles, 245; structural adjustment 
programs, 56, 58, 128, 182 

International Telecommunications Sat- 
ellite Organization (Intelsat), 73, 127, 
236 

investment: in Madagascar, xix, 69; in 
Mauritius, 124 

Iraq: aid to Comoros from, 323; relations 
of, with Seychelles, 245 

Iron And Stone Ramification (Vy Vato 
Sakelika— WS) (Madagascar), 13 

irrigation: in Madagascar, 58, 63, 65; in 
Mauritius, 111; in Seychelles, 231 

Isalo Roiniforme Massif, 24 

Islam: in Comoros, 171, 177; introduc- 
tion of, 147, 257; reform of, 153; 
sharia, 268, 280, 327, 330; as state reli- 
gion of Comoros, xxii, 154, 190; as 
state religion of Maldives, xxvi, 257, 
267-68, 279; in Seychelles, 220 

Islamic Center (Maldives), 268 

Islamists: in Maldives, 261, 282 

Islands Development Company (Sey- 
chelles), 226 

Islands Resorts (Seychelles), 226 

Israel: relations of, with Comoros, xxiii; 
relations of, with Madagascar, 82, 85 

Italy: aid from, 62; colonies of, 289; rela- 
tions of, with Madagascar, 80; tourists 
from, 235, 274 

Itasy volcano (Madagascar), 24 

Ivakoany Massif (Madagascar), 24 

Ivato-Antananarivo airport (Madagas- 
car)^, 79 

Ivondro River (Madagascar), 27 

ivory, 288 

Jaffar, Said Mohammed, 322 

Jaona, Monja, 17, 295 

Japan, 289; aid from, 270-71, 62, 274, 
279, 84; relations of, with Comoros, 
196; relations of, with Madagascar, 80, 
83; tourists from, 274; trade with, 71, 



392 



Index 



72, 125, 135, 184 
Japanese Marubeni Corporation, 273 
Jeerooburkhan.Jooneed, 106 
Jimilime mountains (Comoros), 169 
Jones, David, 50 

judges: in Maldives, 280; in Mauritius, 
312 

Judicial and Legal Service Commission 
(Mauritius), 130 

judiciary: in Comoros, 191-92, 327; in 
Madagascar, 76; in Maldives, 280; in 
Mauritius, 130; in Seychelles, 243-44 

Jugnauth, Anerood, xxi; assassination 
attempts on, 134, 308-9; as prime min- 
ister, 107, 131 

Kadu Island (Maldives): airport on, 277 
Kalfane and Company, 162, 181 
Kartala (Comoros), 169; eruption of, 

146, 153 
Kemal.SaidAli, 157, 159, 192 
Kennedy, Donald Mackenzie, 103-4 
Kenya, 293; in Indian Ocean conference, 

xxi; relations of, with Seychelles, 245 
kibushi dialect (Comoros), 172 
Kim II Sung, 82 

Kodedu Island (Maldives): airport on, 
277 

Korea, Democratic People's Republic of 
(North Korea): materiel from, 304; 
military advisers from, 304, 320; mili- 
tary assistance by, 153, 303; military 
training by, 300, 302, 320; relations of, 
with Madagascar, 81, 82; relations of, 
with Seychelles, 245 
Korea, Republic of (South Korea): rela- 
tions of, with Madagascar, 85 
Kreol Institute (Seychelles), 218 
Kung Fu conflicts (Madagascar), 296 
Kuwait: aid to Comoros from, 323; aid to 
Maldives from, 279; relations of, with 
Comoros, 196 

Laborde, Jean, 12 

labor unions: in Comoros, 185; in Mauri- 
tius, 106, 126 

Lac Alaotra (Madagascar), 24, 27 

La Digue (Seychelles), 213; health facili- 
ties in, 223; population of, 217 

La Grille (Comoros), 169 



Lakandranon' Ampalangalana. See 
Canal des Pangalanes 

Lake Ihotry (Madagascar) , 27 

Lake Itasy (Madagascar), 24 

Lake Kinkony (Madagascar), 27 

land ownership: in Comoros, 149; in 
Mauritius, 100, 102 

land reform: in Madagascar, 65 

land use: in Madagascar, 55 

language {see also under individual lan- 
guages): in Comoros, 171; of instruc- 
tion, 52-53, 115, 116-17, 221, 222, 
269, 270; in Madagascar, 32, 39-41, 
52-53; in Maldives, 265-66, 269; in 
Mauritius, xx, 113, 115; in Seychelles, 
217-18 

L'Archipel (Comoros), 181 

Latin America: exports to, 72 

Laurent, Eugene, 103 

League of Arab States: Comoros in, 196 

L'Echo des lies (Seychelles) 243 

legal system: of Comoros, 190-91, 327; of 
Maldives, 279-80, 330; of Mauritius, 
130; of Seychelles, 243-44 

legislature: of Comoros, 191, 322; of 
Madagascar, 75-76; of Maldives, xxvi, 
280; of Mauritius, 129-30; of Sey- 
chelles, 238 

Legislative Assembly (Mauritius), 104 

Legislative Council (Mauritius), 104; 
members of, 104 

Le Mauricien (Mauritius) ,117 

Le Militant (Mauritius), 106 

L 'Express (Mauritius), 117 

Liberal Action (Action Liberate) (Mauri- 
tius), 103; dissolved, 103; formed, 103 

Libya: relations of Comoros with, 156; 
relations of, with Seychelles, 245 

literacy rate: in Comoros, 146, 178; in 
Madagascar, 11, 50, 51; in Maldives, 
xxvi, 269; in Mauritius, 116, 117; in 
Seychelles, xxiv, 221 

literature: of Antaimoro people, 34, 40; 
Creole, 218 

livestock: in Comoros, 187; in Madagas- 
car, 36, 38, 64, 65, 68; in Mauritius, 
123; in Seychelles, 232 

living standards: in Madagascar, 18; in 
Maldives, 266; in Mauritius, 112 

Livingstone, David, 1 70 

Lome Convention, 122 

London Club: loans from, 62 



393 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



London Missionary Society, 40, 50 
Luthufi, Abdullah, 262, 329 
Luxembourg: trade with, 184 

Madagascar: Comorans in, 172; geo- 
graphical regions of, 23; in Indian 
Ocean Commission, 134; land area of, 
xviii; migration to, 149 

Madagascar Capital Development Fund, 
70; established, xx 

Madi, Mohamed Abdou, 194 

Mahafaly people (Madagascar), 10, 38; 
agriculture of, 64; as percentage of 
Madagascar population, 38; tombs of, 
42 

Mahajamba River (Madagascar), 27 
Mahajanga (Madujascar): harbor at, 27; 

investment in, 61; port of, 73 
Mahatma Gandhi Institute (Mauritius) , 

116, 133 

Mahe (Seychelles): airport on, 210, 211; 
fishing off, 232; health facilities in, 
223; population of, 217; size of, 213 

Mahebourg (Mauritius): harbor at, 110 

Mahore, 145, 168; agriculture on, 168; 
aid to, 145; airport of, 168, 190; anti- 
Comoran demonstrations on, 168; 
construction on, 168; as French 
department, 145, 152, 164; French 
Foreign Legion in, 165; French mili- 
tary installations, on, 326; French 
occupation of, 149; as French territo- 
rial community, 166; integration issue, 
145, 152, 157, 164-68, 195; land area 
of, 169; population of, 171; popula- 
tion density of, 171; relations of, with 
France, 145; role of women in, 176- 
77; tourism on, 168 

Majlis. See legislature 

Makoa people (Madagascar), 36; in 
Comoros, 1 73; as percentage of Mada- 
gascar population, 36 

Malagasy language, 32, 39-41; broad- 
casts in, 73; literacy in, 50; number of 
speakers of, 52; as official language of 
Madagascar, 11; origins of, 40; pro- 
nunciation of, 40; publications in, 40, 
79; vocabulary of, 40; written, 11, 40- 
41 

Malagasy people (Madagascar): in 
Comoros, 172; investment by, 70; kin- 



ship system of, 32; origins of, 31; 
razana (respect for the dead), 32, 41- 
44; souls of, 43-44; stratification of, 
32; taboos of, 45; traditional religion 
of, 44-45 
Malagasy Radio-Television, 308 
Malagasy-Soviet Intergovernmental 
Commission on Economic and Tech- 
nical Cooperation and Trade, 81 
Malayo-Polynesian language family, 39 
Malaysia: aid from, to Maldives, 268 
Malaysians, 288; in Comoros, xxii, 147, 
173; influence of, on Comoros, 146; in 
Seychelles, 208 
Maldives: etymology of, 258; number of 
islands in, 262-63; relations of, with 
Seychelles, 245; size of, 262 
Maldives Center for Social Education, 
271 

Maldives Fisheries Corporation, 273 
Maldives Institute of Technical Educa- 
tion, 271 
Maldives Monetary Authority, 274 
Maldives National Ship Management, 

Limited, 278 
Maldives Nippon Corporation, 273 
Male Central Hospital (Maldives), 272 
Male International Airport (Maldives), 
277 

Male Island (Maldives): population on, 
264; port of, 278; social structure of, 
266-67 

Male Port Development projects 

(Maldives) , 278 
Male Water Supply and Sewerage Project 

(Maldives), 271 
Maloney, Clarence, 265, 268 
Mamoudzou (Comoros): population of, 

172 

Mananara River (Madagascar) , 27 
Mananjary River (Madagascar) , 27 
Mancham, James, 207; background of, 
210; as chief minister, 210; opposition 
by, 213, 239, 240; as president, 211, 
242, 314 
Mandarin language, 114 
Mandrare River (Madagascar), 27 
Mangoky River (Madagascar) , 27 
Mangoro River (Madagascar), 27 
Mania River (Madagascar) , 27 
Maningory River (Madagascar), 27 
manufacturing: in Madagascar, 11, 12; in 



394 



Index 



Mauritius, 97, 126; in Seychelles, 234 
Mare aux Vacoas (Mauritius), 110 
Maroansetra (Madagascar) , 34 
marriage (see also polygamy): in Como- 
ros, 174; en menage, 219; interethnic, 
208-9, 173; intraethnic, 37, 48; in 
Maldives, 267; in Seychelles, 219 
martial law: in Madagascar, 19, 20, 295 
Mascarene Islands, xx, 109 
Mascarene Plateau, 109 
materiel: from Britain, 312; from China, 
304; from France, 298, 303, 304, 312; 
from India, 312; for Madagascar, 81, 
298, 299-300, 303, 304; from North 
Korea, 304; for Seychelles, 316; from 
the Soviet Union, 81, 304, 320; from 
United States, 299-300 
Maurice of Nassau, 98 
Mauritian Militant Movement (MMM), 
98; in elections of 1987, 108; in elec- 
tions of 1991, 108; political base of, 
106 

Mauritian Party (Parti Mauricien — PM): 
in elections of 1959, 104; in elections 
of 1963, 104 

Mauritian Police Force. See police (Mau- 
ritius) 

Mauritian Social Democratic (Party 
(Parti Mauricien Social Democrate — 
PMSD), 105; in coalition government, 
107 

Mauritian Socialist Movement (Mouve- 
ment Socialiste Mauricien — MSM), 
107; in elections of 1991, 108 

Mauritian Socialist Party (Parti Socialiste 
Mauricien— PSM): formed, 107 

Mauritius, 109; central tableland of, 109; 
coastal plains of, 109-10; districts of, 
110; drainage in, 110; etymology of, 
98; geography of, 108-11; in Indian 
Ocean Commission, 134; investment 
by, 70; land area of, 108; location of, 
108; lowland plains of, 110; relations 
of, with Madagascar, 85; relations of, 
with Seychelles, 245; rivers of, 110; 
Seychelles as a dependency of, 207, 
208; trade of, with Madagascar, 85; 
trade of, with Seychelles, 237 

Mauritius Broadcasting Corporation, 
117 

Mauritius College of the Air, 116 
Mauritius Commercial Bank, 124 



Mauritius Housing Corporation, 118, 
124 

Mauritius Institute of Education, 116 
Mauritius Labor Party (MLP), 98; in coa- 
lition government, 107; in elections of 
1959, 104; in elections of 1963, 104; 
founded, 103 
Mauritius Sugar Industry Research Insti- 
tute, 122 
Mauritius Sugar Syndicate, 122 
Mauritius Tea Factories Company, 123 
Mayotte. SeeMahore 

Mayotte Popular Movement (Mouve- 
ment Populaire Mahorais — MPM), 
165 

M'Dere, Zeina, 165 

MDRM. See Democratic Movement for 

the Malagasy Restoration 
media: in Comoros, 161, 180-81, 184; in 
Maldives, 282-83; in Mauritius, xxii, 
117-18; in Seychelles, xxv, 212, 243 
Menabe kingdom (Madagascar), 10 
Menalamba groups (Madagascar), 297 
mercenaries: attempted coup in 
Maldives by, 261, 262, 282, 329; in 
Comoran coups, 146, 154, 159, 322, 
324; in Presidential Guard, 159, 325; 
rule by, in Comoros, 146; in Seychelles 
armed forces, 318-19; in Seychelles 
coups, 212,313-14 
merchant marine (Maldives), 278 
Merina kingdom (Madagascar), 10-12; 
fokonolona of, 10-11; legacy of , 10; mil- 
itary campaigns of, 12, 35, 36-37, 148, 
296-97; political system of, 10-11 
Merina people (Madagascar), 10, 32, 34; 
attitudes of, toward dead, 43; agricul- 
ture of, 63-64; conflict of, with cotters, 
15, 19, 32, 75; culture of, 37; descent 
among, 48; education of, 52; in elite 
class, 36; etymology of, 36; kin groups 
of, 48; marriage of, 37, 48; in officer 
corps, 302; as percentage of Madagas- 
car population, 36; physical character- 
istics of, 37; religion of, 45; slave 
descendants among, 49; social classes 
of, 47; social structure of, 47, 48-49; 
souls of, 43-44; tomb groups of, 49; 
tombs of, 42; women, 48 
M'Hadjou, Said Mustapha. See Denard, 
Bob 

Michel, James, 319 



395 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



middle class: in Comoros, 148; educa- 
tion of, 53; in Mauritius, 103 

Middle East: exports to, 72; imports 
from, 72 

Mid-Indian Ridge, 109 

migration: to Madagascar, 149; from Sey- 
chelles, 216 

Militant Movement for Malagas}' Social- 
ism (Mouvement Militant pour le 
Socialisme Malgache — MMSM) , 22 

Militant Socialist Movement (Mouve- 
ment Socialiste Militant) (Mauritius), 
107 

Military Academy (Academie Militaire) 
at Antsirabe, 302; foreign students at, 
302 

military assistance: to Comoros, 153, 
195, 326-27; to Madagascar, 81, 302-6; 
to Mauritius, 312; to Seychelles, 319- 
21 

military assistance sources: Britain, 312; 
France, 302, 303, 321, 326; Germany, 
304; India, 312, 319, 321; North 
Korea, 153, 319, 320; Saudi Arabia, 
153; South Africa, 321, 326, 327; 
Soviet Union, 81, 312, 319, 320; Tanza- 
nia, 315, 319-20, 326; United States, 
312, 319, 320-21, 326, 327 
military bases: on Diego Garcia, xxi 
military officers: in Madagascar, 298, 

302; training of, 153 
military rule: in Madagascar, 18-19 
military training: by Britain, 312; by 
China, 306; in Comoros, 153, 325; by 
Cuba, 302, 304; by East Germany, 301, 
302; by France, 298, 302, 303, 304, 
325, 326; by Germany, 304; by India, 
312; in Madagascar, 301-2, 304; by 
North Korea, 302, 320; by Romania, 
304; in Seychelles, 319, 320; by Soviet 
Union, 302, 306; by Tanzania, 153, 
322; by United States, 302, 306, 312, 
325, 327 

minerals and mining: in Madagascar, 55, 
70-71 

Ministry of Agricultural Production 

(Madagascar) , 65 
Ministry of Agriculture and Marine 

Resources (Seychelles), 231 
Ministry of Defense (Madagascar), 300 
Ministry of Economic Planning and 

Development (Mauritius) ,117 



Ministry of Education and Cultural 

Affairs (Mauritius), 116 
Ministry of Employment and Social 

Affairs (Seychelles), 230-31 
Ministry of Finance (Seychelles), 225-26 
Ministry of Health (Madagascar) , 53 
Ministry of Health (Maldives), 271 
Ministry of Health (Mauritius), 113; 
Maternal and Child Health Care Divi- 
sion, 113 

Ministry of Health (Seychelles), 223 
Ministry of Home Affairs (Maldives) , 270 
Ministry of Interior (Madagascar), 301 
Ministry of Planning and Development 

(Seychelles), 225 
Ministry of Population and Women's 

Affairs (Comoros), 177 
Ministry of Social and Women's Affairs 

(Comoros), 177 
Ministry of the Environment (Mauri- 
tius), 112 

Ministry of Women's Rights and Family 
Welfare (Mauritius) ,119 

missions, Christian: expelled from Mada- 
gascar, 46; schools of, 1 1 

Mitterrand, Francois, 133, 304 

MLP. See Mauritius Labor Party 

MMM. S&e Mauritian Militant Movement 

MMSM. See Militant Movement for Mala- 
gasy Socialism 

Mobile Police Group (Groupe Mobile de 
Police— GMP) (Madagascar), 295 

Mohamed, Said, 324 

Mohamed, Situ, 177 

Moheli. SegMwali 

Moka District (Mauritius), 110 

Moka-Long Mountain Range (Mauri- 
tius), 110 

Monetary Authority (Seychelles), 226 

Molinaco. See National Liberation Move- 
ment of Comoros 

Monima. Seg National Movement for the 
Independence of Madagascar 

Montagne d'Ambre (Ambohitra) (Mada- 
gascar) , 24 

Mont Blanche (Mauritius), 110 

MontPiton (Mauritius), 110 

Moroni (Comoros), 169; harbor of, 190; 
population of, 172; port of, 184 

Movement for Resistance (Mouvement 
pour la Resistance) (Seychelles), 240, 
315 



396 



Index 



mountains: in Comoros, 169; in Mada- 
gascar, 24; in Mauritius, 109, 110; in 
Seychelles, 213 

Mouvement de la Liberation Nationale 
des Comores. See National Liberation 
Movement of Comoros 

Mouvement Democratique de la Renova- 
tion Malgache. See Democratic Move- 
ment for the Malagasy Restoration 

Mouvement National pour 1'Indepen- 
dance de Madagascar. ^National 
Movement for the Independence of 
Madagascar 

Mouvement Populaire Mahorais. See 
Mayotte Popular Movement 

Mouvement pour la Resistance. See 
Movement for Resistance 

Mouvement Socialiste Mauricien. See 
Mauritian Socialist Movement 

Mouvement Socialiste Militant. See Mili- 
tant Socialist Movement 

MPM. See Mayotte Popular Movement 

Mroudjae, Ali, 157 

MSM. Mauritian Socialist Movement 
Mtingui Mountain (Comoros), 169 
Muhammed ibn Idris ash Shafii, 147, 
177-78 

municipal councils (Mauritius), 102-3 

Muslims {see also Islam): ancestors of, 
113-14; languages of, 115; in Mada- 
gascar, 39, 45; in Mauritius, xx, 103, 
113-14, 115, 129; occupations of, 115; 
as percentage of population in Mauri- 
tius, 113, 115 

Muslims, Shia: in Madagascar, 46; in 
Maldives, 266, 267; in Mauritius, 114 

Muslims, Sunni: in Comoros, xxii, 147, 
177; in Madagascar, 46; in Maldives, 
xxvi, 267; in Mauritius, 114 

Mutsamudu (Comoros), 169; harbor of, 
190; population of, 172; port of, 169, 
184 

M'Vouni School for Higher Education 
(Comoros), 178 

Mwali (Comoros), 145, 168, 169; land 
area of, 169; population density of, 
171; treaty of, with France, 149 

Nababsing, Prem, 108, 132 

Naseem, Ahmed, 329 

Nasir, Ibrahim, 260; attempted coup by, 



329; flight of, 261, 281; as president, 
260, 280 

National Army of Madagascar. See army 
of Madagascar 

National Assembly (Comoros) , 322; elec- 
tions for, 157, 325 

National Assembly (Madagascar), 75- 
76; elections for, xix, 22, 76 

National Assembly (Mauritius): mem- 
bers of, 129; terms in, 130 

National Assembly (Seychelles), 240, 
321-22 

National Bank for Rural Development 
(Madagascar) , 60 

National Bank for Trade Development 
(Madagascar) , 60 

National Bank of Paris-International 
(Banque Nationale de Paris-Interna- 
tionale), 185 

National Coast Guard (NCG) (Mauri- 
tius), 311 

National Committee for Public Safety 
(Comite National de Salut Public) 
(Comoros), 157 

National Day (Maldives), 259 

National Development Plan (1990-94) 
(Seychelles), 216 

National Electoral Commission (Como- 
ros), 194 

National Executive Council (Comoros), 
322 

National Front for the Defense of the 
Revolution (Front National pour la 
Defense de la Revolution — FNDR) 
(Madagascar) , 20; members of, 20 

National Gendarmerie (Madagascar), 
300 

National Investigative Unit (Mauritius), 
311 

nationalist movement, 289; in Madagas- 
car, 13, 15 

nationalization: in Comoros, 182; in 
Madagascar, 56, 80; in Maldives, 259 

National Liberation Movement of Como- 
ros (Mouvement de la Liberation 
Nationale des Comores — Molinaco), 
151; platform of, 151 

National Medical Service (Seychelles), 
223 

National Military Directorate (Madagas- 
car), 19, 296 
National Military Office for Strategic 



397 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Industries (Office Militaire National 
pour les Industries Strategiques) 
(Madagascar) , 70 

National Movement for the Indepen- 
dence of Madagascar (Mouvement 
National pour l'lndependance de 
Madagascar — Monima), 17; dissolved, 
18; peasant uprising under, 17-18, 295 

National Police Force (Force de Police 
Nationale) (Comoros). See police 
(Comoros) 

National Police Force (Mauritius). See 
police (Mauritius) 

National Remuneration Board (Mauri- 
tius), 126 

National Representative Assembly 

(Madagascar), 14 
National Security Service (Maldives), 

329 

National Union for Comoran Democ- 
racy (Union Nationale pour la 
Democratic Comorienne — UNDC), 
193 

National Workers' Union (Seychelles), 
230 

National Youth Service, 222 
Nature Conservancy Commission, 214 
NCG. See National Coast Guard (Mauri- 
tius) 

Netherlands: colony of, on Mauritius, 98; 
exploration by, 9, 147, 287, 288; influ- 
ence of, on Maldives, 257; occupation 
of Maldives by, 259 
New Democratic Party (Seychelles), 239 
newspapers (see also media; press): Chi- 
nese, 117; in Comoros, 180-81; 
Dhivehi, 282; English, 282; French, 79, 
117; in Malagasy, 79; in Maldives, 282; 
in Mauritius, 103, 106, 117; in Sey- 
chelles, 243 
Nioumakele mountains (Comoros), 169 
Njazidja (Comoros), 145, 39, 168, 323; 
land area of, 169; population density 
of, 171; treaty of, with France, 149 
Non-Aligned Movement Madagascar in, 
82; Mauritius in, 135; Seychelles in, 
245 

nonalignment: in Madagascar, 20, 80; in 
Maldives, xxvi; in Seychelles, 245 

North Korea. See Korea, Democratic Peo- 
ple's Republic of 

North Mahavavy River (Madagascar) , 27 



Nosy-Be Island (Madagascar), 24; 
French occupation of, 148 

Nosy-Lava Island (Madagascar): deporta- 
tions to, 13, 18 

Nzwani (Comoros), 145, 168, 323; 
archaeological research on, 146; 
French occupation of, 149; land area 
of, 169; population density of, 171; 
port for, 184; treaty of, with France, 
149 



OAU. See Organization of African Unity 
Office Militaire National pour les Indus- 
tries Strategiques. See National Mili- 
tary Office for Strategic Industries 
Ogaden War, 82 

oil: exploration for, 233; imports, 71, 
184, 233, 237; in Madagascar, 71; in 
Seychelles, 233-34, 237 

Oimatsaha people, 173 

Oman, 287-88, 293; in Indian Ocean 
conference, xxi 

Onilahy River, 27 

OPEC. See Organization of the Petro- 
leum Exporting Countries 

Organization of African Unity (OAU), 
151; Comoros in, 154, 196; and 
Mahore issue, 166; Mauritius in, 135; 
Seychelles in, 245, 247 

Organization of the Petroleum Export- 
ing Countries (OPEC): aid to Como- 
ros from, 178; aid to Seychelles from, 
222-23, 247 

Pakistan: aid from, to Maldives, 268, 279; 
trade with, 237 

Palestine Liberation Organization: rela- 
tions of, with Madagascar, 82 

Pamplemousse District (Mauritius), 110 

parastatal companies: in Madagascar, 57, 
66; in Seychelles, 225, 226, 228, 234 

Paris Club: loans to Madagascar, 62 

Parti Blanc (White Party) (Comoros), 
150, 173; platform of, 150 

Parti des Desherites Malagaches. See 
Party of the Malagasy Disinherited 

Parti Mauricien. See Mauritian Party 

Parti Mauricien Social Democrate. See 
Mauritian Social Democratic Party 

Parti pour l'Evolution des Comores. See 



398 



Index 



Party for the Evolution of Comoros 
Parti Seselwa (Seychelles) , 242 
Parti Social Demo crate de Madagascar. 
See Social Democratic Party of Mada- 
gascar 

Parti Socialiste des Comores. See Socialist 

Party of Comoros 
Parti Socialiste Mauricien. See Mauritian 

Socialist Party 
Parti Vert (Green Party) (Comoros), 

150, 173; platform of, 150 
Party for the Evolution of Comoros 

(Parti pour l'Evolution des Comores), 

151 

Party of the Malagasy Disinherited (Parti 
des Desherites Malgaches) , 14; mem- 
bers of, 14 
Pasoco. See Socialist Party of Comoros 
peasants: uprising by, in Madagascar, 1 1— 
18 

penal code: of Madagascar, 306; of Sey- 
chelles, 244 

penal system: of Comoros, 327; of Mada- 
gascar, 306-7; of Maldives, 330; of 
Mauritius, 312; of Seychelles, 321 

Pentecostal church: in Seychelles, 220 

People's Armed Forces (Forces Armees 
Populaires) . See armed forces of Mada- 
gascar 

People's Assembly (Seychelles), xxv, 238 
People's Militia (Seychelles), 316, 318, 

320 
Persia, 287 

Persian Gulf states: aid from, to 
Maldives, 268; relations of Comoros 
with, 156 

Petite Riviere Noire Mountains (Mauri- 
tius), 110 

Pieter Both Mountain (Mauritius), 110 
Plaines Wilhems District (Mauritius), 
110 

plantations: in Comoros, 181; in Mada- 
gascar, 55; in Mauritius, 121 

Platte Island (Seychelles), 214 

PM. See Mauritian Party 

PMSD. See Mauritian Social Democratic 
Party 

police (Comoros), 326; French control 
of, 192, 326 

police (Madagascar), 300, 301 

police (Mauritius), xxii, 309, 310-11; 
equipment of, 310; number of person- 
nel in, 309, 310; training of, 310 



police (Seychelles), 315, 318 
Police Service Commission (Mauritius), 
130 

political demonstrations: banned, 18; 
casualties in, xxiii, 159; in Comoros, 
xxiii, 159; in Madagascar, 21, 304, 308; 
on Mahore, 168 

political opposition, xviii; in Comoros, 
156-57, 158-59, 160, 324-25; in Mada- 
gascar, 296; in Maldives, 261; in Sey- 
chelles, 207, 213, 240-43 

political parties (see also under individual 
parties): banned, 19, 156, 295; in 
Comoros, 156, 157, 194; in Madagas- 
car, 14, 19, 295; in Maldives, xxvi; in 
Mauritius, 131-32; in Seychelles, 239 

political unrest: anti-Denard, 164; anti- 
French, 13, 15; in Comoros, 152, 324- 
25; in Madagascar, 13, 15, 146; in 
Maldives, 259; in Mauritius, 103, 104 

pollution: in Seychelles, 214; in Mauri- 
tius, 112 

polygamy (see also marriage): in Como- 
ros, 176; in Madagascar, 12; in 
Maldives, 267; outlawed, 12 

Pope-Hennessy, John, 102 

population (Comoros): age distribution 
in, 171; density, 145, 171; of 1991, 171; 
of slaves, 148; urban, 172 

population (Madagascar), xviii, 30-39; 
age distribution in, xx, 30, 31; of Chi- 
nese, 31, 39; of Comorans, 31, 39; den- 
sity, 31; foreign, 31; of French, 31, 39; 
of Indians, 31, 39; in 1900, 30; in 1975, 
30; in 1993, 30; projected, 30; rural, 
65; urban, 31 

population (Maldives), 264-65; density, 
171, 264, 265; in 1977, 265; in 1985, 
265; in 1990, 264, 265 

population (Mauritius), 112-13; age dis- 
tribution in, 112; density, 112; in 1993, 
112; in 1993, 112; rural, 112; of slaves, 
99; urban, 112 

population (Seychelles), 216-17; density, 
171; distribution of, 207, 214, 217 

population fractions (Madagascar): 
Antaifasy, 35; Antaimoro, 34; 
Antaisaka, 35; Antakarana, 38; Anta- 
laotra, 34; Antambahoaka, 34; Antan- 
droy, 38; Antanosy, 35; Bara, 37; 
Betsileo, 37; Betsimisaraka, 33; Beza- 
nozano, 35; Mahafaly, 38; Makoa, 36; 



399 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Merina, 36; Sakalava, 35; Sihanaka, 35; 
Tanala, 35; Tsimihety, 38 

population fractions (Mauritius): Catho- 
lics, 115; Chinese, 101-2, 113; Creoles, 
101; Hindus, 113, 115; Indians, 101; 
Muslims, 113, 115; Protestants, 115 

population statistics (Comoros): birth- 
rate, 179; death rate, 179; fertility rate, 
177; growth rate, 146, 149, 171-72; 
infant mortality rate, 179; life expect- 
ancy, 1 79 

population statistics (Madagascar): 
growth rate, 30, 31; infant mortality 
rate, 30-31, 55; life expectancy, 53; 
mortality rate, 53 

population statistics (Maldives): birth- 
rate, 264, 271; death rate, 271; growth 
rate, 264; infant mortality rate, 271; 
life expectancy, 271 

population statistics (Mauritius): birth- 
rate, 113; death rate, 113; growth rate, 
106, 112; infant mortality rate, 118; 
life expectancy, 106, 118 

population statistics (Seychelles): birth- 
rate, 216, 217; death rate, 216, 217; 
growth rate, 216; infant mortality rate, 
216, 223; life expectancy, 217, 223 

Port Louis (Mauritius), 97, 110; govern- 
ment of, 130; population of, 112; port 
of, 127, 133; schools in, 116; stock 
exchange, 121; transportation in, 127 

Port Louis District (Mauritius), 110 

ports (see also harbors): in Comoros, 156, 
169, 184; of France, 148-49; in Mada- 
gascar, 24, 73; in Maldives, 278; in 
Mauritius, 97, 148, 127, 133; in Sey- 
chelles, xxiv, 148 

Portugal: colonies of, 289; exploration 
by, 9, 98, 147, 208, 287, 288; influence 
of, on Maldives, 257; occupation by, of 
Maldives, 257, 259 

poverty: in Madagascar, 56; in Seychelles, 
xxv, 208 

Poverty in Paradise (World Bank) , xxv 

Praslin (Seychelles), 213; health facilities 
in, 223; population of, 217 

Preferential Trade Area for Eastern and 
Southern Africa, 133, 237 

president (Comoros): under constitu- 
tion of 1992, xxii, 190; succession to, 
158, 191; term of, 190-91 

president (Maldives): under constitution 



of 1968, xxvi, 280; term of, xxvi, 280 
Presidential Guard (Garde Presiden- 
tielle— GP) (Comoros), 158, 324, 325; 
corruption in, 160; in coup of 1989, 
164; French control of, 192, 326; mer- 
cenaries in, 159, 325; missions of, 159, 
325; mutiny in, 160; number of per- 
sonnel in, 159, 326; and South Africa, 
160-61, 327; torture by, 160 
Presidential Guard (Madagascar), 300- 

301, 304, 308; training of, 300, 301 
Presidential Guard (Seychelles), 316, 
318, 320 

Presidential Security Regiment (Regi- 
ment de Securite Presidentielle — 
Reser). See Presidential Guard 

press (see also media; newspapers): cen- 
sored, 20, 308, 328; in Comoros, 328; 
in Madagascar, 20, 76, 308; in 
Maldives, xxvi, xxvii, 330; in Mauritius, 
1 17; in Seychelles, xxv 

Press Council (Maldives) , xxvii 

prime minister (Comoros): abolished, 
158; under constitution of 1992, xxii 

prisoners, political: in Comoros, 328; in 
Maldives, 330 

prison system: of Madagascar, 307; of 
Mauritius, 312; of Seychelles, 244-45, 
321 

privatization: in Comoros, xxiii; in Mada- 
gascar, 57, 59; in Seychelles, xxiv, 228 

Protestant London Missionary Society, 
11 

Protestants: conflict of, with Catholics, 
15; in Madagascar, 12, 45-46; in Mau- 
ritius, 115; in Seychelles, 220 

PSD. See Social Democratic Party of 
Madagascar 

PSM. See Mauritian Socialist Party 

publications: in French, 79; in Malagasy, 
11,79 

Public Gathering Act (1991) (Mauri- 
tius), 313 

Public Investment Program (Madagas- 
car) , 61 

Public Order Act (1971) (Mauritius) , 98, 
106 

public sector: in Madagascar, 58 
Public Security Act (Seychelles), 244, 
321 

Public Services Commission (Mauritius) , 
130 



400 



Index 



Quatre Bornes (Mauritius), 112; govern- 
ment of, 1 30 



Rabemananjara, Jacques, 14 

racial distinctions: in Merina culture, 37 

Radama I (r. 1816-28): education under, 
50; language under, 40, 50; unification 
of Madagascar under, 1 1 

Radama II (r. 1861-63), 12; assassination 
of, 12; modernization under, 12 

radio: broadcast languages, 73; in Como- 
ros, xxiii, 180, 181, 195; in Madagas- 
car, 73; in Maldives, 278, 283, 283; in 
Mauritius, 117; in Seychelles, 236, 240, 
243 

Radio Australia, 283 

Radio Beijing, 283 

Radio Comoros, 180 

Radio Nederlands, 73 

Radio Tropique (Comoros), 181 

railroads: in Madagascar, xix, 55, 72; in 

Mauritius, 127 
Rainilaiarivony, 12 

Ramanantsoa, Gabriel, 18-19, 56, 295 

Ramanantsoa government (Madagas- 
car), 295; foreign relations under, 80, 
303-4; local government under, 77-78 

Ramgoolam, Navin, 132 

Ramgoolam, Sir Seewoosagur, 98, 103; 
death of, 108; in elections of 1963, 
104; opposition to, 131-32 

Ramgoolam government (Mauritius) , 98 

Raminia, 34 

Ramkalanan, Wavel, 239, 242 
Ranavalonal (r. 1828-62), 12, 46, 50 
Ranavalona III, 12, 297; deported, 13 
Raseta, Joseph, 14 

Rassemblement Democratique du Peu- 
ple Comorien. See Democratic Assem- 
bly of the Comoran People 

Rassemblement des Travaillistes Mau- 
riciens. See Assembly of Mauritian 
Workers 

Ratsimandrava, Richard, 19, 295; assassi- 
nated, 295 
Ratsimilaho, 34 

Ratsiraka, Didier, xviii, 9; in elections of 
1993, 22; language policy of, 41; oppo- 
sition to, 296; as president, 19, 296; 
refusal to vacate President's Palace, 22 

Ratsiraka government (Madagascar): 



economy under, 56; foreign relations 
under, 80; local government under, 
78; revolution from above, 56 

Ravare people (Maldives), 265 

Ravelojoana, Pastor, 1 3 

Ravelomanana, Raoul, 60 

Ravoahangy, Joseph, 14 

Ravony, Francisque: ethnicity of, 75; as 
prime minister, xix, 22, 85 

razana (respect for the dead) (Madagas- 
car), 32, 41-44; tombs in, 42; turning 
of the dead, 42-44 

RDPC. See Democratic Assembly of the 
Comoran People 

Reagan, Ronald, 83 

Redin people (Maldives), 258 

refugees: from Comoros, 153; from 
Madagascar, 153; to Mahore, 153 

Regiment de Securite Presidentielle. See 
Presidential Guard 

religion {see also under individual denomi- 
nations): in Comoros, xxii, 177-78; in 
Madagascar, 41-46; in Maldives, xxvi, 
267-68; in Mauritius, 113-15; in Sey- 
chelles, 220-21 

religion, indigenous (Seychelles), 220- 
21, 268 

religious leaders: in Madagascar, 44-45 
Rene, France Albert, xxv, 207, 237; back- 
ground of, 210; in elections of 1979, 
212; in elections of 1993, 240; as oppo- 
sition leader, 210; as vice president, 
211 

Rene government (Seychelles), 207, 314; 
national security under, 313; opposi- 
tion to, 207; reform program of, 212 

Republican Security Force (Force 
Republicaine de Securite) (Madagas- 
car), 18, 295, 300 

Reser. See Presidential Guard 

Reunion Island, 109; French occupation 
of, 148, 133; French military installa- 
tions on, 326; in Indian Ocean Com- 
mission, 134; tourists from, 125; trade 
of, with Seychelles, 237 

Revolt of 1947 (Madagascar), 15, 36, 297 

rice: in Madagascar, 62-64, 65-67 

Ringadoo, Veerasamy, 131 

Riviere du Rempart District (Mauritius) , 
110 

Riviere Noire Mountains (Mauritius), 
110 



401 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



roads: in Comoros, 156, 190; construc- 
tion of, 156; in Madagascar, 72; in 
Maldives, 278; in Mauritius, 126; in 
Seychelles, 216, 235 

Roberos, Diogo, 147 

Rodrigues Fracture Zone, 109 

Rodrigues Island (Mauritius), 109; Brit- 
ish occupation of, 148; formation of, 
111; French occupation of, 148; land 
area of, 108; location of, 108; popula- 
tion of, 112 

Roman Catholic Church. See Catholic 
Church, Roman 

Romania: military training by, 304 

Rondon, Fernando E., 83 

Royal Dutch Shell, 70 

Royal Mauritius Regiment, 309 

Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst, 
310-11 

RTM. Sae Assembly of Mauritian Workers 

rural areas: education in, 116; popula- 
tion in, 65, 112 

Rural Youth Vocational Training Pro- 
gram (Maldives), 270 

Russia {see also Soviet Union): strategic 
interests, 289; trade with, 72 



SAARC. See South Asian Association for 
Regional Cooperation 

Sadeco. See Seychelles Agricultural 
Development Company 

St. Brandon Rocks, 108 

Sakalava people (Madagascar), 10, 11, 
35-36; in Comoros, 173; culture of, 
35-36; French treaties with, 12; live- 
stock of, 64; Merina conquest of, 35, 
148; occupations of, 36; as percentage 
of Madagascar population, 35; social 
classes of, 47; social structure of, 47; 
tombs of, 42 

Sambirano River (Madagascar), 27 

Sangu (Maldives), 281 

Saudi Arabia: aid to Comoros from, 323; 
aid to Maldives from, 279; military 
assistance by, 153; relations of, with 
Comoros, 196 

Savanne District (Mauritius), 110 

Savanne Mountains (Mauritius), 110 

schools: in Comoros, 178; distribution 
of, 52; English, 269; enrollment in, 
116, 178, 270; French, 50, 178; in 



Madagascar, 11, 50, 51-52, 53; in 
Maldives, xxvi, 269, 270; mission, 11, 
50, 221; preschool, 116; primary, 50, 
51-52, 116, 269; private, 53; public, 
53; Quranic, xxvi, 178, 269, 269-70; 
secondary, 50, 269; in Seychelles, 207, 
221; vocational, 50-51, 116, 178, 270, 
271 

Science Education Center (Maldives), 
270 

Seagull Airways, 277-78 

Second Republic (Madagascar) (1975- 
92), 19-22; foreign relations under, 85 

Second Republic (Maldives): inaugu- 
rated, 260 

security, internal: in Comoros, 322-25; 
in Madagascar, 294-96, 300-301; in 
Maldives, 328-29; in Mauritius, 311; in 
Seychelles, 313-15; threats to, 294, 

308 

security, national: in Comoros, 322; in 
Madagascar, 294; in Mauritius, 308, in 
Seychelles, 313-15 

Senate (Comoros), 191 

service sector: employment in, 211; as 
percentage of gross domestic product, 
211; in Seychelles, 211 

Seventh-Day Adventist church: in Sey- 
chelles, 220 

Seychelles: as crown colony, 209; as 
dependency of Mauritius, 207, 208; 
etymology of, 208; in Indian Ocean 
Commission, 134; land area of, 213; 
topography of, 213-14 

Seychelles Agricultural Development 
Company (Sadeco) , 231 

Seychelles Archipelago, 207-8; number 
of islands in, 213 

Seychelles Broadcasting Corporation, 
236, 243 

Seychelles Defence Academy, 319 
Seychelles Democratic Party, 242 
Seychelles Development Bank, 246 
Seychelles Fishing Authority, 233 
Seychelles Liberation Committee, 240, 
315 

Seychelles Marketing Board, 226 
Seychelles-Mauritius Joint Cooperation 
Commission, xxi 

Seychelles Nation, 243 

Seychelles National Environment Com- 
mission, 214 



402 



Index 



Seychelles National Investment Corpora- 
tion, 226 

Seychelles National Movement, 242, 315 
Seychelles People's Defence Forces. See 

armed forces of Seychelles 
Seychelles People's Liberation Army. See 

armed forces of Seychelles 
Seychelles People's Progressive Front 

(SPPF), xxv, 207, 212; dominance of, 

XXV 

Seychelles People's United Party 
(SPUP), 207; platform of, 210, 211 

Seychelles Polytechnic, 219, 222 

Seychelles Popular Anti-Marxist Front 
(SPAMF), 240,315 

Seychelles Savings Bank, 226 

Seychelles Shipping Line, 236 

Seychelles Taxpayers' and Producers' 
Association (STPA), 209-10 

Seychelles Timber Company, 226 

Seychellois Party (Parti Seselwa) , 239 

shipping, 214, 290 

Sihanaka people: as percentage of Mada- 
gascar population, 35 

Sima Mountains (Comoros), 169 

Singapore: trade of, with Maldives, 279; 
trade of, with Seychelles, 237 

Sinhalese people (Maldives) , xxvi, 265 

Sino-Mauritians, xx 

SINPA. See Association for the National 
Interest in Agricultural Products 

Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam Interna- 
tional Airport (Mauritius), 127, 128 

slave class: in Comoros, 148 

slave descendants: in Comoros, 174-76; 
in Merina culture, 49; religion of, 45 

slavery: abolished, 97, 99, 100, 149, 208, 
297; in Comoros, 148; conditions of, 
208; in Madagascar, 10; in Mauritius, 
97, 99 

slaves: in Comoros, 148; Comoros as 
source of, 147-48; Madagascar as 
source of, 10, 12; in Mauritius, 98, 99, 
113; raids for, 148; in Seychelles, 208, 
209 

slave trade, 288; in Madagascar, 10, 12, 

31, 36; oudawed, 12 
smuggling: in Madagascar, 70; in 

Maldives, 330; in Mauritius, 310 
social classes: of Merina, 47; of Sakalava, 

47; in Seychelles, 218-19 
Social Democratic Party of Madagascar 



(Parti Social Democrate de Madagas- 
car — PSD), 15; platform of, 15; politi- 
cal base of, 1 7 

Socialist Party of Comoros (Parti Social- 
iste des Comores — Pasoco), 151; 
formed, 151; political base of, 151 

socialist revolution (Madagascar): goals 
of, 19-20 

social security. See welfare 

social structure (Comoros): clans in, 
173; grand mariagein, 174 

social structure (Madagascar), 46-49; 
kinship in, 46-47; ranking in, 46-47 

social structure (Maldives), 266-67; caste 
system in, 266 

social structure (Mauritius): caste system 
in, 114 

social structure (Seychelles), 218-19; 
marriage in, 219; matriarchal, 219; 
race in, 218, 219 

Societe Bambao (French), 181, 182 

Societe Comorienne de Navigation. See 
Comoran Navigation Company 

Societe Comorienne des Viandes. See 
Comoran Meat Company 

Societe de Developpement de la Peche 
Artisanale des Comores. See Develop- 
ment Company for Small-Scale Fisher- 
ies of Comoros 

Societe d'Interet National des Produits 
Agricoles. See Association for the 
National Interest in Agricultural Prod- 
ucts 

Socovia. See Comoran Meat Company 
Sogecom, 160 

Soilih, Ali: assassination attempts on, 
153; as head of state, 152, 322; killed, 
154, 322 

Soilih government (Comoros), 152-54, 
322; armed forces under, 153; over- 
thrown, 146; reform program of, 152- 
53, 322; retribution on, 156 

soils: erosion of, 187; of Madagascar, 27- 
28 

Somalia, 293 
Souli, Andrian, 148 

South Africa, 287; aid to Comoros from, 
161; in Comoran economy, 159, 188; 
in Indian Ocean conference, xxi; 
investment by, 70; military assistance 
from, 321, 327; and Presidential 
Guard, 161,325; relations of, with 



403 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



Comoros, 145, 160-61, 195-96, 324, 
326, 327; relations of, with Madagas- 
car, xx, 82, 85, 294; relations of, with 
Mauritius, 132, 134, 135; relations of, 
with Seychelles, xxiv, 247, 313, 314; in 
Seychelles coups, 212; tourists from, 
125, 235; trade with, 125; trade of, 
with Madagascar, 85; trade of, with 
Seychelles, 237 
South Africans: in Comoros, 172 
South Asian Association for Regional 

Cooperation (SAARC), 282 
South Korea. See Korea, Republic of 
South Mahavavy River (Madagascar), 27 
southwest region of Madagascar, 23, 27, 
33; agriculture in, 64; climate in, 28; 
peoples of, 38 
Soviet Indian Ocean Squadron, 294 
Soviet Union {see also Russia): aid from, 
to Seychelles, 246; invasion of Afghan- 
istan by, 293; materiel from, 81, 304, 
320; military advisers from, 81, 320; 
military assistance from, 320; military 
interests of, 287, 290, 293; military 
training by, 302, 306; relations of, with 
Madagascar, 81-82; relations of, with 
Seychelles, 245; study abroad in, 81 
Spain: aid from, 62 

SPAMF. See Seychelles Popular Anti- 
Marxist Front 
Special Mobile Force (Mauritius), 309 
SPPF. See Seychelles People's Progressive 
Front 

SPUP. See Seychelles People's United 
Party 

Sri Lanka: guestworkers from, xxvi, 266; 
relations of, with Maldives, 257; trade 
of, with Maldives, 273, 279 

Stabex (Stabilization of Export Earn- 
ings), 186 

Stabilization of Export Earnings. See Sta- 
bex 

State Bank of India, 276 

state of emergency: in Comoros, 328; in 

Madagascar, 18, 295; in Mauritius, 98, 

105-6; in Seychelles, 239 
State Finance Corporation (Mauritius) , 

124 

state security: in Comoros, 326; in Mada- 
gascar, 300-301; in Seychelles, 318-19 
State Service (Mauritius), 311 
Stationery, Printing, and Computer 



Equipment (Seychelles), 228 
Stein, Peter, 115 

stock exchange: in Mauritius, 121 

STPA. ^Seychelles Taxpayers' and Pro- 
ducers' Association 

strikes: in Comoros, 185, 195; general, 
18, 295; in Madagascar, 18, 22, 295; in 
Mauritius, 103, 106; in Seychelles, 230 

structural adjustment program: of 
Comoros, 182, 193; of Madagascar, 56, 
58-60, 66 

student demonstrations: in Comoros, 
151, 179; in Madagascar, 18, 21, 52, 
295, 302 

subsidies: in Madagascar, 66; in Mauri- 
tius, 120, 123; in Seychelles, 228 
Suez Canal, 288 

suffrage: in Comoros, 153, 190; in Mada- 
gascar, 15, 75, 77; in Mauritius, 102, 
104, 107; in Seychelles, 209, 238 

sugar, xxi; export of, 97, 125; introduc- 
tion of, 99; plantations, 97, 148; pro- 
duction of, 55, 97, 100, 110, 112, 121; 
refining, 99 

sultanate (Maldives), 280; elective, 259; 
restored, 260; suspended, 259, 260 

Supreme Court: of Comoros, 158, 191- 
92, 193, 327; of Madagascar, 76, 307; 
of Mauritius, 130, 132, 312; of Sey- 
chelles, 321,243 

Supreme Revolutionary Council (Mada- 
gascar), 19, 296; members of, 20 

Swahili: broadcasts in, 181 

Switzerland: relations of, with Madagas- 
car, 80 



Taiwan. See China, Republic of 
Taki, Mohamed, 158, 192 
Tamil language: in Mauritius, 115 
Tamou, Omar, 328 
Tanala people (Madagascar) , 35 
Tanjon' i Bobaomby. 5a? Cap d'Ambre 
Tanora Tonga Saina (Madagascar), 296 
Tanzania: aid from, to Seychelles, 212; 
Comorans in, 172; military assistance 
from, 315, 326; military training in 
Comoros by, 322, 326; relations of, 
with Comoros, 156; relations of, with 
Seychelles, 245, 246 
taxes: in Madagascar, xix, 59; in 
Maldives, 276; in Mauritius, 128; in 



404 



Index 



Seychelles, xxv, 228 
teachers: training of, 51, 116, 178, 221 
Tea Development Authority (Mauri- 
tius), 122 

telecommunications: in Comoros, 156, 
184, 190; in Madagascar, 73; in 
Maldives, 274, 276, 278; in Mauritius, 
127; in Seychelles, xxiv, 235 

telephones: in Comoros, 161, 190; in 
Madagascar, 73; in Maldives, 278; in 
Mauritius, 128, 133, 134; in Seychelles, 
236 

television: in Comoros, 181; languages of 
broadcast, 117, 118, 218; in Madagas- 
car, 73; in Maldives, 283; in Mauritius, 
117; in Seychelles, 218, 236, 240, 243 

Television Maldives, 283 

Texaco Corporation, 234 

Thakurufaan, Muhammad, 259 

Third Republic (Madagascar) (1993- ), 
22-23; foreign relations under, 85 

Toamasina (Madagascar), 34; investment 
in, 61; port of, 73 

Tolanaro (Madagascar) , 9 

Toliara (Madagascar): investment in, 61; 
rainfall in, 28 

topography: of Comoros, xxii; of Mada- 
gascar, 23-28; of Maldives, xxvi; of Sey- 
chelles, xxiii 

tortoises: in Seychelles, 208, 214 

tourism: in Comoros, 162, 188; in Mada- 
gascar, xx, 71; on Mahore, 168; in 
Maldives, xxvi, 261, 266, 273, 274, 276; 
in Mauritius, xxi, 97, 120, 125, 129; in 
Seychelles, xxiv, 207, 211, 216, 224, 
228, 229, 234-35, 246, 247 

trade (see also exports; imports): balance, 
125; by Comoros, 147; deficit, 61, 145, 
125, 184, 225, 278; with Europeans, 
10, 147; with France, xx, 71; with Ger- 
many, 71; with India, xxii; through 
Indian Ocean, xvii; with Japan, 71; by 
Madagascar, 10, 61, 71-72; by 
Maldives, 278-79; by Mauritius, 125, 
133-34, 135; by Seychelles, 225, 236- 
37; with United Arab Emirates, xxii; 
with United States, xxii, 71 

Trade Union Industrial Act (1993) (Sey- 
chelles), 230 

transportation: airports, 73, 127, 168, 
188-90, 210, 211, 216, 235, 236, 277; 
in Comoros, 188-90; in Madagascar, 



24, 72-73; in Maldives, 274, 277-78; in 
Mauritius, 126-27; ports, xxiv, 24, 73, 
97, 127, 133, 148-49, 156, 169; rail- 
roads, xix, 55, 72-73, 127; roads, 72, 
126, 156, 190, 216, 235, 278; in Sey- 
chelles, 228, 235-36; vehicles, 126, 
235,278; water, 24, 235 
Travail pour Tous. S#?Work for All 
treaties: between France and Comoro 
Islands, 149; between France and 
Sakalava people, 12 
Treaty of Paris (1814), 100, 208 
Tromelin Island (Mauritius), 108 , 133 
Tsaratanana Massif (Madagascar), 23, 

24, 33; peoples of, 38 
Tsimihety people (Madagascar), 36, 38; 
as percentage of Madagascar popula- 
tion, 38; social structure of, 49 
Tsiranana, Philibert, 9, 15; consolidation 
of power by, 17; opposition to, 16-17; 
as president, 16, 303 
Tsiranana government (Madagascar): 
dissolved, 18, 56, 295; economy under, 
18 

Tuna Fishing Association, 233 

UCP. See Comoran Union for Progress 
UDC. See Comoros Democratic Union 
Udzima. See Comoran Union for 

Progress 
Ultramar Canada, Inc., 234 
UNDC. See National Union for Comoran 

Democracy 
underemployment: in Madagascar, xx 
UNDP. See United Nations Development 

Programme 
unemployment: in Comoros, xxiv; in 
Madagascar, xx; in Maldives, 276; in 
Mauritius, 106, 126 
UNESCO. See United Nations Educa- 
tional, Scientific, and Cultural Organi- 
zation 

Union Comorienne pour le Progres. See 
Comoran Union for Progress 

Union Democratique des Comores. See 
Comoros Democratic Union 

Union des Travailleurs des Comores. See 
Union of Comoran Workers 

Union for a Democratic Republic in 
Comoros (Union pour une Repub- 
lique Democratique aux Comores — 



405 



Indian Ocean: Five Island Countries 



URDC), 159 
Union Nationale pour la Democratic 

Comorienne. See National Union for 

Comoran Democracy 
Union of Comoran Workers (Union des 

Travailleurs des Comores), 185 
Union pour line Republique Democra- 

tique aux Comores. See Union for a 

Democratic Republic in Comoros 
United Arab Emirates: aid to Maldives 

from, 279; trade of, with Comoros, 

xxii 

United National Front (Comoros), 152 

United National Front of Comorans- 
Union of Comorans (Front National 
Uni des Komorien s-Union des 
Komoriens — FNUK-Unikom), 156 

United Nations: Comoros in, 154, 196; 
and Mahore issue, 166; Maldives in, 
282; Seychelles in, 245 

United Nations Development Pro- 
gramme (UNDP), 60, 184 

United Nations Educational, Scientific, 
and Cultural Organization (UNES- 
CO): aid from, 181 

United Nations Food and Agriculture 
Organization (FAO), 118, 186 

United Nations World Food Program 
(WFP), 67 

United Opposition Party (Seychelles), 
240, 242 

United States: aid from, 80, 84, 184, 187, 
279, 246; and attempted coups in Sey- 
chelles, 314; education in, 222; mili- 
tary assistance from, 303, 306, 312, 
320-21, 327; military base on Diego 
Garcia, xxi, 80, 107, 134-35, 245, 290, 
293-94; military interests of, 287, 290, 
293; military relations of, with Mada- 
gascar, 306; military training by, 302, 
306, 312, 325, 326, 327; relations of, 
with Madagascar, 80, 83, 306; relations 
of, with Mauritius, xxi, 134; relations 
of, with Seychelles, 246-47; satellite 
tracking stations, 20, 80, 247, 320; stra- 
tegic interests of, 289; trade of, with 
Comoros, xxii, 184; trade of, with 
Madagascar, 71, 72; trade of, with 
Maldives, 279; trade of, with Mauri- 
tius, 99, 125, 134 

United States Army Command and Gen- 
eral Staff College, 306 



United States Central Command, 293 
United States Commander in Chief 

Pacific, 293 
United States Naval War College, 306 
United States Peace Corps, 246 
United States Rapid Deployment Joint 

Task Force, 293 
United Suvadivan Republic, 260 
University of Madagascar, 51 
University of Mauritius, 116 
urban areas: in Comoros, 172; education 

in, 116; population in, 31, 112, 172; in 

Madagascar, 31; in Mauritius, 112 
URDC. See Union for a Democratic 

Republic in Comoros 
Urdu language, 114 
Uteem, Cassam, 131 



Vacoas-Phoenix (Mauritius), 112; gov- 
ernment of, 130 

Vanguard of the Malagasy Revolution 
(Atokin'ny Revolisiona Malagasy — 
Arema), 20 

vanilla, xxii, 55, 58, 67, 68, 145, 149, 161, 
162, 168, 181, 184, 185, 186, 187-88, 
209, 232 

Veillard, Max, 328 

Very Important Persons Security Unit 

(Mauritius), 311 
Victoria (Seychelles), 213; port of, xxiv 
Victoria Hospital (Seychelles), 223 
Virahsawmy, Dev, 106; assassination 

attempt on, 106 
Vital Forces Committee. See Comite des 

Forces Vives 
Voice of the Islands. SeeYo'ut des lies 
Voix des lies (Voice of the Islands) 

(Comoros), 195 
volcanoes: in Comoros, 169; in Madagas- 
car, 24; in Mauritius, 109 
WS. See Iron And Stone Ramification 
Vy Vato Sakelika. See Iron And Stone 
Ramification 



wages: in Mauritius, 126; in Seychelles, 
230 

water: in Comoros, 170, 180; in Madagas- 
car, 28; in Maldives, 263, 271, 274; in 
Mauritius, 127; in Seychelles, 214, 216, 
229 



406 



Index 



welfare (Mauritius), 106, 118 
welfare (Seychelles), 207, 212, 224 
west coast of Madagascar, 23, 27, 33; agri- 
culture in, 64; climate in, 28; peoples 
of, 35-36 

West Germany. See Germany, Federal 
Republic of 

Western Indian Ocean Tuna Organiza- 
tion, xxiv 

Western Sahara: relations of, with Mada- 
gascar, 82 

West Germany. See Germany, Federal 
Republic of 

White Party. See Parti Blanc 

women: in Comoros, 176-77, 328; educa- 
tion of, 176, 219; employment of, 116, 
118-19, 120, 126, 176, 277; in legisla- 
ture, xxvi, 219-20; in Mahore, 176-77; 
in Maldives, 267, 276, 330; in Mauri- 
tius, 118-20; Merina, 48; rights of, 
xviii, xxii, xxiv, xxvi, 219, 259, 328, 
330; in Seychelles, 219-20; single, sta- 
tus of, 176, 219-20, 267; suffrage of, 
176; violence against, 119-20 

Women's Federation (Comoros), 177 

workers: conditions for, 103; in Madagas- 
car, 18; in Mauritius, 103, 120, 126; 
rights of, xviii, xxii, xxiv, xxvi-xxvii, 
231, 328, 330; in Seychelles, xxv, 231 



Work for All (Travail pour Tous) (Mauri- 
tius), 106 

work force: in Seychelles, 229 

World Bank: and Comoros, 182, 196; 
economic reforms under, xxiii; educa- 
tion aid from, 117; and Madagascar, 
56, 58; and Maldives, 261, 274, 279, 
282; and Mauritius, 107, 128, 135; and 
Seychelles, 229; structural adjustment 
programs, 56, 58, 128, 182 

World Food Program, 186 

World Health Organization (WHO), 54; 
aid from, 180, 271; family planning 
program, 265 

World War I, 289, 297 

World War II, 289, 297, 309 



ylang-ylang, xxii, 145, 149, 161, 168, 170, 
181,184,185, 186,187-88 



Zafi-Raminia people (Madagascar), 34 
Zafy, Albert, 9; in elections of 1993, xviii- 

xix, 296; ethnicity of, 75; as president, 

22, 75 

Zafy government (Madagascar): agricul- 
ture under, 58; economy under, 57, 
59, 61; foreign relations under, 304 

Zaki, Ahmed: as prime minister, 260 



407 



Contributors 



Vincent Ercolano has edited and written works on various geo- 
graphic areas. 

Helen Chapin Metz is Supervisor, Middle East/ Africa/ Latin 
America Unit, Federal Research Division, Library of Con- 
gress. 

Thomas P. Ofcansky is a Senior African Analyst with the 
Department of Defense. 

Karl E. Ryavec, formerly an analyst at the Defense Mapping 
Agency, is a doctoral candidate, Department of Geogra- 
phy, University of Hawaii, Honolulu. 

Peter J. Schraeder, Assistant Professor, Department of Political 
Science, Loyola University, Chicago, is the author of 
numerous published works on Africa. 

Jean R. Tartter, a retired Foreign Service Officer, has written 
extensively on Africa for the Country Studies series. 

Anthony Toth has written for various publications on the Mid- 
dle East and Africa. 



409 



Published Country Studies 



(Area Handbook Series) 



jjU-Oj 


A 4-rr honictiTi 

/vignanisian 


550-98 


Albania 


550-44 


Algeria 


550-59 


Angola 


550-73 


Argentina 


<C^fL^1 1 1 
jjU— 1 11 


Armenia, Azerbaijan, 




and Georgia 


550-169 


Australia 


550-176 


Austria 


550-175 


Bangladesh 


ccr\ in 
jjU-IIz 


Belarus and Moldova 


550-170 


Belgium 


550-66 


Bolivia 


550-20 


Brazil 


550-168 


Bulgaria 


jjU-01 


Burma 


550-50 


Cambodia 


550-166 


Cameroon 


550-159 


Chad 


550-77 


Chile 




China 


550-26 


Colombia 


550-33 


Commonwealth Carib 




bean, Islands of the 


550-91 


Congo 


550-90 


Costa Rica 


550-69 


Cote d'lvoire (Ivory 




Coast) 


550-152 


Cuba 


550-22 


Cyprus 


550-158 


Czechoslovakia 



550-36 Dominican Republic 

and Haiti 

550-52 Ecuador 

550-^3 Egypt 

550-150 El Salvador 

550-28 Ethiopia 

550-167 Finland 

550-173 Germany, East 

550-155 Germany, Fed. Rep. of 

550-153 Ghana 

550-87 Greece 

550-78 Guatemala 

550-174 Guinea 

550-82 Guyana and Belize 

550-151 Honduras 

550-165 Hungary 

550-21 India 

550-154 Indian Ocean 

550-39 Indonesia 

550-68 Iran 

550-31 Iraq 

550-25 Israel 

550-182 Italy 

550-30 Japan 

550-34 Jordan 

550-56 Kenya 

550-81 Korea, North 

550^1 Korea, South 

550-58 Laos 

550-24 Lebanon 

550-38 Liberia 



411 



550-85 


Libya 


550-184 


Singapore 


J JVJ — 1 / Z, 


lYlcudWl 


JJU — ou 


oUllldiid. 


550-45 


Malaysia 


550-93 


South Africa 


550-161 


Mauritania 


550-95 


Soviet Union 


550-79 


Mexico 


550-179 


Spain 


550-76 


Mongolia 


550-96 


Sri Lanka 


JJU — L ry 




550-27 


Sudan 

O UVJLCU1 


550-64 


Mozambique 


550-47 


Syria 


550-35 


Nepal and Bhutan 


550-62 


Tanzania 


550-88 


Nicaragua 


550-53 


Thailand 


550-157 


Nigeria 


550-89 


Tunisia 


JJU — y-r 




550-80 


Turkey 


550^8 


Pakistan 


550-74 


Uganda 


550-46 


Panama 


550-97 


Uruguay 


550-156 


Paraguay 


550-71 


Venezuela 


550-185 


Persian Gulf States 


550-32 


Vietnam 


JJ\J — t-z 


Peru 


550-183 


Yemens, The 


550-72 


Philippines 


550-99 


Yugoslavia 


550-162 


Poland 


550-67 


Zaire 


550-181 


Portugal 


550-75 


Zambia 


550-160 


Romania 


550-171 


Zimbabwe 


550-37 


Rwanda and Burundi 






550-51 


Saudi Arabia 






550-70 


Senegal 






550-180 


Sierra Leone 







412 



PIN: 006966-000 



